Sophisms Of The Protectionists - free ebook by Frédéric Bastiat

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Sophisms Of The Protectionists

Frédéric Bastiat

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M. FREDERIC BASTIAT,

M. FREDERIC BASTIAT,

Part I. Sophisms of Protection—First Series. Part II. Sophisms of Protection—Second Series. Part III. Spoliation and Law. Part IV. Capital and Interest. Translated from the Paris Edition of 1863. NEW-YORK: AMERICAN FREE TRADE LEAGUE. 1870. Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1869, by THE WESTERN NEWS COMPANY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Northern District of Illinois....

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PREFACE.

PREFACE.

A previous edition of this work has been published under the title of "Essays on Political Economy, by the late M. Frederic Bastiat." When it became necessary to issue a second edition, the Free-Trade League offered to buy the stereotype plates and the copyright, with a view to the publication of the book on a large scale and at a very low price. The primary object of the League is to educate public opinion; to convince the people of the United States of the folly and wrongfulness of the Protect

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PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION.

PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION.

This compilation, from the works of the late M. Bastiat, is given to the public in the belief that the time has now come when the people, relieved from the absorbing anxieties of the war, and the subsequent strife on reconstruction, are prepared to give a more earnest and thoughtful attention to economical questions than was possible during the previous ten years. That we have retrograded in economical science during this period, while making great strides in moral and political advancement by t

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SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION.

SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION.

My object in this little volume has been to refute some of the arguments usually advanced against Free Trade. I am not seeking a combat with the protectionists. I merely advance a principle which I am anxious to present clearly to the minds of sincere men, who hesitate because they doubt. I am not of the number of those who maintain that protection is supported by interests. I believe that it is founded upon errors, or, if you will, upon incomplete truths . Too many fear free trade, for this app

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I.

I.

Which is the best for man or for society, abundance or scarcity? How, it may be exclaimed, can such a question be asked? Has it ever been pretended, is it possible to maintain, that scarcity can be the basis of a man's happiness? Yes; this has been maintained, this is daily maintained; and I do not hesitate to say that the scarcity theory is by far the most popular of the day. It furnishes the subject of discussions, in conversations, journals, books, courts of justice; and extraordinary as it m

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II.

II.

The obstacle mistaken for the cause—scarcity mistaken for abundance. The sophism is the same. It is well to study it under every aspect. Man naturally is in a state of entire destitution. Between this state and the satisfying of his wants, there exists a multitude of obstacles which it is the object of labor to surmount. It is interesting to seek how and why he could have been led to look even upon these obstacles to his happiness as the cause of it. I wish to take a journey of some hundred mile

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III.

III.

We have seen that between our wants and their gratification many obstacles are interposed. We conquer or weaken these by the employment of our faculties. It may be said, in general terms, that industry is an effort followed by a result. But by what do we measure our well-being? By the result of our effort, or by the effort itself ? There exists always a proportion between the effort employed and the result obtained. Does progress consist in the relative increase of the second or of the first ter

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IV.

IV.

It is said ... but, for fear of being accused of manufacturing Sophisms for the mouths of the protectionists, I will allow one of their most able reasoners to speak for himself. "It is our belief that protection should correspond to, should be the representation of, the difference which exists between the price of an article of home production and a similar article of foreign production.... A protecting duty calculated upon such a basis does nothing more than secure free competition; ... free co

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V.

V.

This is but a new wording of the last Sophism. The demand made is, that the foreign article should be taxed, in order to neutralize the effects of the tax, which weighs down national produce. It is still then but the question of equalizing the facilities of production. We have but to say that the tax is an artificial obstacle, which has exactly the same effect as a natural obstacle, i.e. the increasing of the price. If this increase is so great that there is more loss in producing the article in

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VI.

VI.

Our adversaries have adopted a system of tactics, which embarrasses us not a little. Do we prove our doctrine? They admit the truth of it in the most respectful manner. Do we attack their principles? They abandon them with the best possible grace. They only ask that our doctrine, which they acknowledge to be true, should be confined to books; and that their principles, which they allow to be false, should be established in practice. If we will give up to them the regulation of our tariffs, they

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VII.

VII.

To the Honorable the Members of the Chamber of Deputies: " Gentlemen ,—You are in the right way: you reject abstract theories; abundance, cheapness, concerns you little. You are entirely occupied with the interest of the producer, whom you are anxious to free from foreign competition. In a word, you wish to secure the national market to national labor . "We come now to offer you an admirable opportunity for the application of your——what shall we say? your theory? no, nothing is more deceiving th

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VIII.

VIII.

A poor laborer of Gironde had raised, with the greatest possible care and attention, a nursery of vines, from which, after much labor, he at last succeeded in producing a pipe of wine, and forgot, in the joy of his success, that each drop of this precious nectar had cost a drop of sweat to his brow. I will sell it, said he to his wife, and with the proceeds I will buy thread, which will serve you to make a trousseau for our daughter. The honest countryman, arriving in the city, there met an Engl

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IX.

IX.

At this moment, when all minds are occupied in endeavoring to discover the most economical means of transportation; when, to put these means into practice, we are leveling roads, improving rivers, perfecting steamboats, establishing railroads, and attempting various systems of traction, atmospheric, hydraulic, pneumatic, electric, etc.,—at this moment when, I believe, every one is seeking in sincerity and with ardor the solution of this problem— " To bring the price of things in their place of c

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X.

X.

We have just seen that all which renders transportation difficult, acts in the same manner as protection; or, if the expression be preferred, that protection tends towards the same result as obstacles to transportation. A tariff may then be truly spoken of, as a swamp, a rut, a steep hill; in a word, an obstacle , whose effect is to augment the difference between the price of consumption and that of production. It is equally incontestable that a swamp, a bog, etc., are veritable protective tarif

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XI.

XI.

If we wish to judge between freedom of trade and protection, to calculate the probable effect of any political phenomenon, we should notice how far its influence tends to the production of abundance or scarcity , and not simply of cheapness or dearness of price. We must beware of trusting to absolute prices , it would lead to inextricable confusion. Mr. Mathieu de Dombasle, after having established the fact that protection raises prices, adds: "The augmentation of price increases the expenses of

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XII.

XII.

Workmen, your situation is singular! you are robbed, as I will presently prove to you.... But no; I retract the word; we must avoid an expression which is violent; perhaps indeed incorrect; inasmuch as this spoliation, wrapped in the sophisms which disguise it, is practiced, we must believe, without the intention of the spoiler, and with the consent of the spoiled. But it is nevertheless true that you are deprived of the just compensation of your labor, while no one thinks of causing justice to

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XIII.

XIII.

Partisans of free trade, we are accused of being theorists, and not relying sufficiently upon practice. What a powerful argument against Mr. Say (says Mr. Ferrier,) is the long succession of distinguished ministers, the imposing league of writers who have all differed from him; and Mr. Say is himself conscious of this, for he says: "It has been said, in support of old errors, that there must necessarily be some foundation for ideas so generally adopted by all nations. Ought we not, it is asked,

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XIV.

XIV.

There is one thing which embarrasses me not a little; and it is this: Sincere men, taking upon the subject of political economy the point of view of producers, have arrived at this double formula: "A government should dispose of consumers subject to its laws in favor of home industry." "It should subject to its laws foreign consumers, in order to dispose of them in favor of home industry." The first of the formulas is that of Protection ; the second that of Outlets . Both rest upon this proposit

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XV.

XV.

Mr. de Saint Cricq has asked: "Are we sure that our foreign customers will buy from us as much as they sell us?" Mr. de Dombasle says: "What reason have we for believing that English producers will come to seek their supplies from us, rather than from any other nation, or that they will take from us a value equivalent to their exportations into France?" I cannot but wonder to see men who boast, above all things, of being practical , thus reasoning wide of all practice! In practice, there is perh

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XVI.

XVI.

Some years since, being at Madrid, I went to the meeting of the Cortes. The subject in discussion was a proposed treaty with Portugal, for improving the channel of the Douro. A member rose and said: If the Douro is made navigable, transportation must become cheaper, and Portuguese grain will come into formidable competition with our national labor . I vote against the project, unless ministers will agree to increase our tariff so as to re-establish the equilibrium. Three months after, I was in L

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XVII.

XVII.

I have already remarked that when the observer has unfortunately taken his point of view from the position of producer, he cannot fail in his conclusions to clash with the general interest, because the producer, as such, must desire the existence of efforts, wants, and obstacles. I find a singular exemplification of this remark in a journal of Bordeaux. Mr. Simiot puts this question: Ought the railroad from Paris into Spain to present a break or terminus at Bordeaux? This question he answers aff

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XVIII.

XVIII.

The facility with which men resign themselves to ignorance in cases where knowledge is all-important to them, is often astonishing; and we may be sure that a man has determined to rest in his ignorance, when he once brings himself to proclaim as a maxim that there are no absolute principles. We enter into the legislative halls, and find that the question is, to determine whether the law will or will not allow of international exchanges. A deputy rises and says, If we tolerate these exchanges, fo

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XIX.

XIX.

Among the arguments advanced in favor of a restrictive system, we must not forget that which is drawn from the plea of national independence . "What will we do," it is asked, "in case of war, if we are at the mercy of England for our iron and coal?" The English monopolists, on their side, do not fail to exclaim: "What will become of Great Britain in case of war if she depends upon France for provisions?" One thing appears to be quite lost sight of, and this is, that the dependence which results

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XX.

XX.

Destruction of machinery—prohibition of foreign goods. These are two acts proceeding from the same doctrine. We do meet with men who, while they rejoice over the revelation of any great invention, favor nevertheless the protective policy; but such men are very inconsistent. What is the objection they adduce against free trade? That it causes us to seek from foreign and more easy production, what would otherwise be the result of home production. In a word, that it injures domestic industry. On th

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XXI.

XXI.

It is said that no commerce is so advantageous as that in which manufactured articles are exchanged for raw material; because the latter furnishes aliment for national labor . And it is hence concluded: That the best regulation of duties, would be to give the greatest possible facilities to the importation of raw material, and at the same time to check that of the finished article. There is, in political economy, no more generally accredited Sophism than this. It serves for argument not only to

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XXII.

XXII.

A Sophism will sometimes expand and extend itself through the whole tissue of a long and tedious theory. Oftener it contracts into a principle, and hides itself in one word. "Heaven preserve us," said Paul Louis, "from the Devil and from the spirit of metaphor!" And, truly, it might be difficult to determine which of the two sheds the most noxious influence over our planet. The Devil, you will say, because it is he who implants in our hearts the spirit of spoliation. Aye; but he leaves the capac

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CONCLUSION.

CONCLUSION.

All the Sophisms which I have so far combated, relate to the restrictive policy; and some even on this subject, and those of the most remarkable, I have, in pity to the reader, passed over: acquired rights ; unsuitableness ; exhaustion of money , etc. , etc. But Social economy is not confined within this narrow circle. Fourierism, Saint Simonism, Commonism, agrarianism, anti-rentism, mysticism, sentimentalism, false philanthropy, affected aspirations for a chimerical equality and fraternity; que

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SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION.

SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION.

"The request of Industry to the government is as modest as that of Diogenes to Alexander: 'Stand out of my sunshine.'"— Bentham....

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I.

I.

Why do I give myself up to that dry science, political economy? The question is a proper one. All labor is so repugnant in its nature that one has the right to ask of what use it is. Let us examine and see. I do not address myself to those philosophers who, if not in their own names, at least in the name of humanity, profess to adore poverty. I speak to those who hold wealth in esteem—and understand by this word, not the opulence of the few, but the comfort, the well-being, the security, the ind

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II.

II.

Arrived at the end of the preceding chapter, if he gets so far, I imagine I hear the reader say: "Well, now, was I wrong in accusing political economists of being dry and cold? What a picture of humanity! Spoliation is a fatal power, almost normal, assuming every form, practiced under every pretext, against law and according to law, abusing the most sacred things, alternately playing upon the feebleness and the credulity of the masses, and ever growing by what it feeds on. Could a more mournful

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III.

III.

Petition of Jacques Bonhomme, Carpenter, to M. Cunin-Gridaine, Minister of Commerce. Mr. Manufacturer-Minister: I am a carpenter, as was Jesus; I handle the hatchet and the plane to serve you. In chopping and splitting from morning until night in the domain of my lord, the King, the idea has occurred to me that my labor was as much national as yours. And accordingly I don't understand why protection should not visit my shop as well as your manufactory. For indeed, if you make cloths, I make roof

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IV.

IV.

"What! You have the assurance to demand for every citizen the right to buy, sell, trade, exchange, and to render service for service according to his own discretion, on the sole condition that he will conduct himself honestly, and not defraud the revenue? Would you rob the workingman of his labor, his wages and his bread?" This is what is said to us. I know what the general opinion is; but I have desired to know what the laborers themselves think. I have had an excellent opportunity of finding o

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V.

V.

I consider it my duty to say a few words in regard to the delusion caused by the words dear and cheap . At the first glance, I am aware, you may be disposed to find these remarks somewhat subtile, but whether subtile or not, the question is whether they are true. For my part I consider them perfectly true, and particularly well adapted to cause reflection among a large number of those who cherish a sincere faith in the efficacy of protection. Whether advocates of free trade or defenders of prote

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VI.

VI.

Many papers have attacked me before you. Will you not read my defense? I am not mistrustful. When a man writes or speaks, I believe that he thinks what he says. What is the question? To ascertain which is the more advantageous for you, restriction or liberty. I believe that it is liberty; they believe it is restriction; it is for each one to prove his case. Was it necessary to insinuate that we are the agents of England? You will see how easy recrimination would be on this ground. We are, they s

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VII.

VII.

They exclaim against the greed and the selfishness of the age! Open the thousand books, the thousand papers, the thousand pamphlets, which the Parisian presses throw out every day on the country; is not all this the work of little saints? What spirit in the painting of the vices of the time! What touching tenderness for the masses! With what liberality they invite the rich to divide with the poor, or the poor to divide with the rich! How many plans of social reform, social improvement, and socia

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VIII.

VIII.

"After this, therefore on account of this." The most common and the most false of arguments. Real suffering exists in England. This occurrence follows two others: First. The reduction of the tariff. Second. The loss of two consecutive harvests. To which of these last two circumstances is the first to be attributed? The protectionists do not fail to exclaim: "It is this cursed freedom which does all the mischief. It promised us wonders and marvels; we welcomed it, and now the manufactories stop a

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IX.

IX.

They find my little book of Sophisms too theoretical, scientific, and metaphysical. Very well. Let us try a trivial, commonplace, and, if necessary, coarse style. Convinced that the public is duped in the matter of protection, I have desired to prove it. But the public wishes to be shouted at. Then let us cry out: "Midas, King Midas, has asses' ears!" An outburst of frankness often accomplishes more than the politest circumlocution. To tell the truth, my good people, they are robbing you . It is

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X.

X.

Jacques Bonhomme , Vine-grower. M. Lasouche , Tax Collector. L. You have secured twenty hogsheads of wine? J. Yes, with much care and sweat. —Be so kind as to give me six of the best. —Six hogsheads out of twenty! Good heavens! You want to ruin me. If you please, what do you propose to do with them? —The first will be given to the creditors of the State. When one has debts, the least one can do is to pay the interest. —Where did the principal go? —It would take too long to tell. A part of it was

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XI.

XI.

If I were His Majesty's Minister! —Well, what would you do? —I should begin by—by—upon my word, by being very much embarrassed. For I should be Minister only because I had the majority, and I should have that only because I had made it, and I could only have made it, honestly at least, by governing according to its ideas. So if I undertake to carry out my ideas and to run counter to its ideas, I shall not have the majority, and if I do not, I cannot be His Majesty's Minister. —Just imagine that

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XII.

XII.

[This chapter is an amusing dialogue relating principally to English Postal Reform. Being inapplicable to any condition of things existing in the United States, it is omitted.— Translator. ]...

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XIII.

XIII.

A DEMONSTRATION IN FOUR TABLEAUX. First Tableau. [The scene is in the hotel of Alderman Pierre. The window looks out on a fine park; three persons are seated near a good fire.] Pierre. Upon my word, a fire is very comfortable when the stomach is satisfied. It must be agreed that it is a pleasant thing. But, alas! how many worthy people like the King of Yvetot, "Blow on their fingers for want of wood." Unhappy creatures, Heaven inspires me with a charitable thought. You see these fine trees. I wi

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XIV.

XIV.

—What is restriction? —A partial prohibition. —What is prohibition? —An absolute restriction. —So that what is said of one is true of the other? —Yes, comparatively. They bear the same relation to each other that the arc of the circle does to the circle. —Then if prohibition is bad, restriction cannot be good. —No more than the arc can be straight if the circle is curved. —What is the common name for restriction and prohibition? —Protection. —What is the definite effect of protection? —To requir

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XV.

XV.

—If they say to you: There are no absolute principles; prohibition may be bad, and restriction good— Reply: Restriction prohibits all that it keeps from coming in. —If they say to you: Agriculture is the nursing mother of the country— Reply: That which feeds a country is not exactly agriculture, but grain . —If they say to you: The basis of the sustenance of the people is agriculture— Reply: The basis of the sustenance of the people is grain . Thus a law which causes two bushels of grain to be o

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XVI.

XVI.

[ Report to the King. ] Sire —When we see these men of the Libre Echange audaciously disseminating their doctrines, and maintaining that the right of buying and selling is implied by that of ownership (a piece of insolence that M. Billault has criticised like a true lawyer), we may be allowed to entertain serious fears as to the destiny of national labor ; for what will Frenchmen do with their arms and intelligences when they are free? The Ministry which you have honored with your confidence has

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XVII.

XVII.

"As in a time of war, supremacy is attained by superiority in arms, can, in a time of peace, supremacy be secured by superiority in labor?" This question is of the greatest interest at a time when no one seems to doubt that in the field of industry, as on that of battle, the stronger crushes the weaker . This must result from the discovery of some sad and discouraging analogy between labor, which exercises itself on things, and violence, which exercises itself on men; for how could these two thi

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SPOLIATION AND LAW.[16]

SPOLIATION AND LAW.[16]

To the Protectionists of the General Council of Manufactures: Gentlemen —Let us for a few moments interchange moderate and friendly opinions. You are not willing that political economy should believe and teach free trade. This is as though you were to say, "We are not willing that political economy should occupy itself with society, exchange, value, law, justice, property. We recognize only two principles—oppression and spoliation." Can you possibly conceive of political economy without society?

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CAPITAL AND INTEREST.

CAPITAL AND INTEREST.

My object in this treatise is to examine into the real nature of the Interest of Capital, for the purpose of proving that it is lawful, and explaining why it should be perpetual. This may appear singular, and yet, I confess, I am more afraid of being too plain than too obscure. I am afraid I may weary the reader by a series of mere truisms. But it is no easy matter to avoid this danger, when the facts, with which we have to deal, are known to every one by personal, familiar, and daily experience

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