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The enclosure movement—the process by which the common-field system was broken down and replaced by a system of unrestricted private use—involved economic and social changes which make it one of the important subjects in English economic history. When it began, the arable fields of a community lay divided in a multitude of strips separated from each other only by borders of unplowed turf. Each landholder was in possession of a number of these strips, widely separated from each other, and scatter

The generally accepted version of the enclosure movement turns upon supposed changes in the relative prices of wool and grain. The conversion of arable land to pasture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is accounted for by the hypothesis that the price of wool was rising more rapidly than that of grain. The beginning of the enclosure movement, according to this theory, dates from the time when a rise in the price of wool became marked, and the movement ended when there was a relative rise

Up to this point attention has been given chiefly to the theory that the enclosure movement waxed and waned in response to supposed fluctuations in the relative prices of wool and grain, and it has been found that this theory is untenable. It is now necessary to consider more closely the true cause of the conversion of arable land to pasture—the declining productivity of the soil—and the cause of the restoration of this land to cultivation—the restoration of its fertility. The connection between

For the reasons given in the last chapter, bailiff-farming rapidly gave way to the various forms of the leasehold system in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. The economic basis of serfdom was destroyed; a servile tenement could no longer be depended upon to supply an able-bodied man to do work on the demesne for several days a week throughout the year, with extra helpers from his family at harvest time. The money received in commutation of customary labor, or as rent from land which

Enclosure made by the tenants themselves by common agreement aroused no opposition or apprehension. No diminution of the area under tillage beyond that which had already of necessity taken place occurred, and the grass land already present in the fields was made available for more profitable use. The Doctor in Hales' dialogue carefully excepts this sort of enclosure from condemnation: I meane not all Inclosures, nor yet all commons, but only of such Inclosures as turneth commonly arable feildes

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This volume has just been published in the series of the Albert Shaw Lectures on Diplomatic History. It is based on lectures delivered in the Johns Hopkins University in 1912, and later revised for publication. The subject involves one of the most intricate problems in American history, and Professor Cox has spared no pains in searching for new sources of information. He has not only availed himself of the collections in Washington and of the material in the Department of Archives and History at

AMERICAN CITY PROGRESS AND THE LAW. By Howard Lee McBain , Ph.D., Professor of Municipal Science and Administration, Columbia University. Pp. viii + 269. WORLD ORGANIZATION AS AFFECTED BY THE NATURE OF THE MODERN STATE. By David Jayne Hill , LL.D., late American Ambassador to Germany. Pp. ix + 214. Reprinted with new Preface. OUR CHIEF MAGISTRATE AND HIS POWERS. By William Howard Taft , Twenty-seventh President of the United States. Pp. vii + 165. CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN THE UNITED STATES.

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