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ABOLITION A SEDITION
ABOLITION A SEDITION
PHILADELPHIA: GEO. W. DONOHUE, NO. 22, SOUTH FOURTH STREET. ........ MDCCCXXXIX. Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1839, by Geo. W. Donohue , in the Clerk’s Office of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. Transcriber’s Notes: Obvious printer and typographical errors silently corrected. Archaic and inconsistent spelling and punctuation retained....
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PREFACE.
PREFACE.
We trust it will be obvious to all, that it was impossible to treat Abolitionism according to its merits, or to exhibit its true character, without regarding it as a religious movement . There are two prominent features of the moral and religious history of our country, with which we have been compelled to come in contact. We, therefore, take this opportunity so far to explain, as to bar the accident of being misapprehended. First, then, we have averred the philosophical connexion of antecedent
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CHAPTER I. THE CHARACTER OF THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION.
CHAPTER I. THE CHARACTER OF THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION.
There seems to have been a uniform impression among the great majority of the citizens of the United States, that the Abolition movement in this country is wrong, as it stands related to our political fabric; but the exact character and extent of this wrong have not been so well defined in the public mind, as to enable the people to see how a remedy can be applied to arrest and control the mischief that appears to be growing out of this agitation. Every reflecting person in the land sees and fee
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CHAPTER II. THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY A SEDITIOUS ORGANIZATION.
CHAPTER II. THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY A SEDITIOUS ORGANIZATION.
We have shown, in the previous chapter, that the American Anti-slavery society is a permanent political organization , attempting to effect a change in the government of the country, by its own independent, and we may add, sovereign, operations. We now propose to show, that such an organization, under such independent and irresponsible action, is unconstitutional and illegal, and consequently seditious. Even if there were no law in the case, we suppose the sovereignty of a nation, in other words
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CHAPTER III. THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF 1838.
CHAPTER III. THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF 1838.
If the showing already made, in regard to the seditious organization of the American Anti-slavery Society, be a fair one, its action as such becomes a conspiracy in the Republic, so far as it militates against its political fabric. It is no more than fair to notice, that in the first article of the Constitution of this Society, it is assumed, that “slavery is contrary to the principles of our republican form of government.” This is a very material point, vital, fundamental, so far as it relates
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CHAPTER IV. THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY FARTHER CONSIDERED.
CHAPTER IV. THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY FARTHER CONSIDERED.
Having proved the sedition of the American Anti-Slavery Society as a political organization, which has usurped the business of the Government, under a form prohibited by the Constitution, which of course involves two points of criminality, we shall now proceed to show, that it is seditious in another important and grave particular, as having committed, and as continuing to commit, a trespass on the political rights of the slave-holding States, as guaranteed to them by the Federal Compact, and as
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CHAPTER V. VIOLENT REFORMS, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH ABOLITIONISM.
CHAPTER V. VIOLENT REFORMS, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH ABOLITIONISM.
It can hardly have escaped the attentive observer of the history of our country, that for a considerable period, and to a great extent, it has been characterised by violent reforms , both in religion and morals; and it would be impossible, in our judgment, to understand the causes of the Abolition movement, if we should leave out of view this important and prominent historical feature. All great movements in society have their moral causes, and it is by referring to them, that we are enabled to
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CHAPTER VI. THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION BORROWED FROM THE RELIGIOUS WORLD.
CHAPTER VI. THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION BORROWED FROM THE RELIGIOUS WORLD.
We have nothing to do with the merits of the Religious and Benevolent Society system of this country; it is only necessary for us to allude to the character, skill, operation, and efficiency of its framework, to illustrate the fabric of the American Anti-Slavery Society, which has been constructed precisely after that model. To accomplish the various objects of the religious and benevolent public, they have thought it expedient and necessary to erect themselves, by association, into sundry bodie
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CHAPTER VII. THE ANARCHICAL PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM.
CHAPTER VII. THE ANARCHICAL PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM.
Nous verrons —Onward! seems to be alike the maxim and tendency of all violent reforms. It may be said, that Abolitionism has at last come to a fair and palpable denoument , in the formation of the New England Non-resistence Society , which was organized at Boston, in September, 1838, with William Lloyd Garrison, and such others, men and women , leaders. The fundamental principle of this new association is identical with that of the Abolition movement. Both hinge upon the same pivot. Indeed, it w
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CHAPTER VIII. THE INCENDIARY DOCTRINES OF ABOLITIONISM.
CHAPTER VIII. THE INCENDIARY DOCTRINES OF ABOLITIONISM.
Facit per alium, facit per se. The accessory to a crime is by law, and in justice, made responsible with the principal. No man can deny, that the effect of the Abolition doctrines and measures on the slave-holding States, if they were not resisted, would speedily lead to insurrection and massacre; that scenes of this horrible kind would be constantly occurring, till the whole South would become a field of desolation. It is true, the Abolitionists say, it would not be so, if the slave-holders wou
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CHAPTER IX. POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY IN REGARD TO SLAVERY.
CHAPTER IX. POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY IN REGARD TO SLAVERY.
We believe the Abolitionists are accustomed to find one apology for the movement in which they are engaged, in the assumption, that all the Members of the American Union are responsible for the existence of slavery therein, if not equally, yet in part; and being conscientiously opposed to slavery, their conscience obliges them to act in obedience to its dictates. They cannot, therefore, choose to abstain from this enterprise, if they would. We propose here to consider this question, as it cannot
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CHAPTER X. THE ROMANCE OF ABOLITIONISM.
CHAPTER X. THE ROMANCE OF ABOLITIONISM.
We live in an age of romantic sympathy and religious sentimentalism. There is a charity that prefers a remote object, to one that is near. A blind beggar, with every appearance of want and wretchedness, sits daily by the way side, to ask alms. Floods of population swim along, and now and then he gets a penny; but no body stops to ask him of his misery, or sympathize with his woes. He is a solitary, uncheered being during the day, in the midst of a busy, moving, and apparently happy world; and as
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CHAPTER XI. EVERY MAN MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS.
CHAPTER XI. EVERY MAN MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS.
The observance of this rule would secure universal peace. There would never be quarrelling, never war, on the smaller or larger scale; but the breach of it soon produces difficulty, and leads to strife. We have stated in a former chapter, to the effect, that the causes of the Abolition movement of this country, cannot be understood, without allusion to certain cognate events and reforming schemes, that have been set on foot among us, and to certain extravagant and peculiar features of those refo
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CHAPTER XII. PERFECTIONISM.
CHAPTER XII. PERFECTIONISM.
This is a theological term, and announces the doctrine, as we understand it, that it is possible for man to be perfect in this life, and perfect at once. It is a species of immediatism ; indeed, it is the essence of it, its origin, and foundation; and out of this abstract, theological, and visionary scheme grew the practical and momentous doctrine of immediate abolition. This is the application of perfectionism to politics, which was originally a religious notion. At all points we see, therefore
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CHAPTER XIII. LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.
CHAPTER XIII. LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.
Aware, that we are constantly liable to perversion as to the intent of our remarks in these pages, it is proper for us to say, that we have not taken up this topic in order to bring our interpretation of it to bear against the right of slaves to their freedom. That is a question which we do not assume to discuss, though we have signified our opinion, and are ready freely and frankly so to do on all proper occasions. But our object at this time is to correct the vague, poetic, and romantic notion
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CHAPTER XIV. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM.
CHAPTER XIV. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM.
First, its social effects. It has produced a very unhappy state of feeling in the North. Just in proportion to a man’s unreasonableness, if he happens to be in the wrong, will be his zeal to maintain his cause; and the effect of his zeal on all concerned may generally be measured by the same rule. The Abolitionists are believed to be in the wrong; and the extreme zeal and infatuation, not to say madness, with which they urge their cause, would seem to prove them so. Why should men, conscious of
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CHAPTER XV. THE BAD EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM ON THE FREE COLORED POPULATION, AND ON THE CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF SLAVES.
CHAPTER XV. THE BAD EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM ON THE FREE COLORED POPULATION, AND ON THE CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF SLAVES.
It cannot be denied, that Abolitionism has created a very unpleasant state of feeling in the minds of the free colored population, and made them unhappy; that it has excited them, in no inconsiderable degree, to insubordination as citizens; that it has vitiated their domestic and social character, as servants, wherever they are employed; that it has invested them with an importance, in their own esteem, which the present state of society is not prepared to award them, and encouraged them to assu
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CHAPTER XVI. A HYPOTHETICAL VIEW OF ABOLITIONISM.
CHAPTER XVI. A HYPOTHETICAL VIEW OF ABOLITIONISM.
We think it must strike every intelligent observer—every one certainly that lays claims to any knowledge in the workings of society—that immediate Abolition, whenever acquired by the measures now in operation—admitting it can be effected without a civil war, though we do not believe it can—must find the two conflicting parties in the worst possible humour in relation to each other. On the one side would be arrayed the Abolitionists with their protégés; and on the other the party defeated after a
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CHAPTER XVII. ABOLITIONISM CONSIDERED AS PROPOSING NO COMPENSATION FOR SLAVE-PROPERTY.
CHAPTER XVII. ABOLITIONISM CONSIDERED AS PROPOSING NO COMPENSATION FOR SLAVE-PROPERTY.
The political frame of society governs the world, the doctrines of perfectionists to the contrary notwithstanding; and we shall be heartily thankful that it is so, until we can fall into better hands than this visionary fraternity. And since the Abolitionists have come into the political field, it might be wise for them to consider, whether they can carry their measures in contempt of established political principles. The responsibility of slavery is divided among the community of nations; and t
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CHAPTER XVIII. THE CONDITION OF AMERICAN SLAVES AS COMPARED WITH OTHER PORTIONS OF THE AFRICAN RACE.
CHAPTER XVIII. THE CONDITION OF AMERICAN SLAVES AS COMPARED WITH OTHER PORTIONS OF THE AFRICAN RACE.
There is nothing but the most enlarged view of a great question, that can fairly determine its merits; and it cannot be denied, that slavery is one of the great questions appertaining to the social state of mankind, and to the political state of the world. It is so great, in our opinion, that it can neither be disposed of by the logic of visionary theorists, nor by a coup du main of an ill-considered and intemperate effort, nor by any legerdemain of political quackery. Ever since human society w
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CHAPTER XIX. THE EXAMPLE OF QUAKERS, OR SOCIETY OF FRIENDS.
CHAPTER XIX. THE EXAMPLE OF QUAKERS, OR SOCIETY OF FRIENDS.
The Quakers have generally received credit for being a peace-loving and peace-making Society of Christians; and we are compelled to admit, and have great pleasure in doing so, that they have always sustained the character. They have always been known as the opponents of slavery; but their modes of protest and remonstrance have been conducted in the spirit of Christianity. They have never broken the public peace, directly or indirectly, in this conflict of principle; they have never outraged publ
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CHAPTER XX. THE SOUTH HAVE DONE WITH ARGUMENT.
CHAPTER XX. THE SOUTH HAVE DONE WITH ARGUMENT.
“Yea, doubtless,” saith the Abolitionist, “for reason fails them.” And so we have all done with argument; for we shall not stop to reply to this. “The South know their rights,” said a Southern gentleman the other day on the floor of Congress, very significantly, and in relation to this subject. This, we believe, is the present common feeling of the slaveholding States. They have made up their minds; and we think they will have the sympathy of the reasonable part of mankind. Their present attitud
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CHAPTER XXI. REASONS WHY THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT, UNDER ITS PRESENT ORGANIZATION, MUST SUCCEED IN OVERTHROWING THE GOVERNMENT.
CHAPTER XXI. REASONS WHY THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT, UNDER ITS PRESENT ORGANIZATION, MUST SUCCEED IN OVERTHROWING THE GOVERNMENT.
We do not believe, after what has taken place, that the Abolitionists will be able to carry emancipation . Their imprudent and rash modes of action seem to have barred the door effectually against that event for the present. We think it reasonable to say, that without the concurrence of the slave States, such an event is impossible. But such is the character, effectiveness, and irresistible sweep of their organization, that it cannot fail to break down something; and that something, we fear, wil
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CHAPTER XXII. THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION DESTRUCTIVE OF REPUBLICAN LIBERTY.
CHAPTER XXII. THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION DESTRUCTIVE OF REPUBLICAN LIBERTY.
If the main argument of this work is sound—and we are unable to see why it is not—the tables are fairly turned on the Abolitionists, who have been crying out for freedom, and the freedom of the Constitution. Enough, we trust, has been said, in the progress of these discussions, to show, that the action of the American Anti-Slavery Society, as a grand and permanent political organization, destroys that balance of individual and popular influence, which the Constitutional law of this land was inte
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