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INTRODUCTION.
INTRODUCTION.
A word in explanation of this English edition is perhaps not unnecessary. It will be remembered that the arguments in the following pages appeared originally in the columns of Le Siècle , and from the correspondence between M. Yves Guyot and Dr. Kuyper and M. Brunetière (Appendix B), the reader will understand how the publication of Le Siècle articles in pamphlet form arose. In the month of May when M. Yves Guyot's La Politique Boer made its appearance, the supply of literature by more or less c
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The Question.
The Question.
I have endeavoured in the following pages to separate the Transvaal question from the many side issues by which it is obscured. In the "Affaire Dreyfus" I constantly recurred to the main point—Dreyfus was condemned upon the "bordereau"; Dreyfus was not the author of the "bordereau," therefore he was not responsible for the documents named in the "bordereau." In this case, in like manner, there is but one question:—Has or has not the government of the South African Republic acted up to the conven
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Pro-Boer Argument.
Pro-Boer Argument.
Pro-Boers refuse to recognise this point, as did M. Cavaignac when, in his speech of July 7th, 1898, he abandoned the "bordereau" to substitute for it the Henry forgery. They keep talking of the Great Trek of 1836; of England's greed; of the gold mines; and, above all, of the Jameson raid. The Jameson raid is their pet grievance; it takes the place of all argument. The Uitlanders may well say that "Jameson has been Krüger's best friend." Notwithstanding, the Jameson raid is the best proof of the
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The Profits from the Jameson Raid.
The Profits from the Jameson Raid.
The trial by the Government of Pretoria of the sixty-four members of the "Reform Committee" was held in Johannesburg. Four of them, Mr. Lionel Phillips, Colonel Rhodes, Mr. George Farrar, and Mr. Hammond were condemned to death. The remainder were sentenced to two years' imprisonment and £2,000 fine, or failing payment, to another year's imprisonment and three years' banishment. The Executive reserved to themselves the right to confiscate their property. In commutation of the four death sentence
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The Logical Consequences of the Jameson Raid.
The Logical Consequences of the Jameson Raid.
According to the Boers, they are briefly: (1) The Jameson Raid of Dec. 29th, 1895, gives the South African Republic the right in perpetuity to regard the Convention of 1884 as null and void. (2) The Jameson Raid gives the Government of the South African Republic the right to treat all Uitlanders, especially the British, as Boers treat Kaffirs. (3) The Jameson Raid gives the Government of the South African Republic an undefined and perpetual right to plunder the Uitlanders. Yves Guyot....
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BOER APOLOGISTS.[2]
BOER APOLOGISTS.[2]
I notice with satisfaction, that people, who a short time ago would not listen to a word about the Transvaal, are now no longer animated by the same spirit of confidence, and are even beginning to wonder whether they have not fallen into the same mistake made by so many in the Dreyfus case, who only began to entertain doubts after the exposure of the Henry forgery. I have been asked "Why have you not answered Dr. Kuyper's article in the Revue des Deux Mondes ?" and it appears that Dr. Leyds has
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ENGLISH AND BOERS.[5]
ENGLISH AND BOERS.[5]
No French Pro-Boer has reproduced the portrait I have published, as given by Dr. Kuyper. It disturbs the conception presented to their readers by journalists, whose dishonesty is only equalled by their ignorance. Quoting his own statements, I have shown Boer relations with the natives; I will now proceed to show their relations with the English. In addition to Dr. Kuyper's evidence, I will avail myself of a document from Boer sources: The Petition of Rights, addressed to the President of the Ora
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THE ANNEXATION OF THE TRANSVAAL AND THE CONVENTIONS OF 1881 AND 1884.[6]
THE ANNEXATION OF THE TRANSVAAL AND THE CONVENTIONS OF 1881 AND 1884.[6]
When Dr. Kuyper asserts that "the gold mines of the Rand became the misfortune of the Transvaal," it is clear, that in his endeavour to convince his readers, he has no regard to the facts of the case, but that his aim is to suggest the idea that England's sole object in the present war has been to possess herself of the gold mines. Here Dr. Kuyper employs the arguments of L'Intransigeant , La Libre Parole , and Le Petit Journal ; for he is perfectly well aware that England will derive no benefit
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ARTICLES OF THE CONVENTION OF 1884.[7]
ARTICLES OF THE CONVENTION OF 1884.[7]
Dr. Kuyper has a simple method of solving difficulties. Speaking of Article 4 of the Convention of 1884, which gives England the right of veto on all treaties contemplated between the South African Republic and foreign powers, he says:— "This is not Mr. Krüger's point of view. He, like us, has always stigmatised the occupation of 1877 as a violation of the Sand River Treaty." Mr. Krüger did not stigmatise it thus when he accepted office from the English Government. But, in any case, he was party
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LAW AND JUSTICE IN THE TRANSVAAL.[9]
LAW AND JUSTICE IN THE TRANSVAAL.[9]
I stated at the close of my last article that I did not think that Dr. Kuyper had even made mention of Articles 7 and 14 of the Convention of 1884. I find that I was mistaken. He has said a few words about the latter, to draw from it the inference that it did not give the right of franchise to Uitlanders. He is right. But Articles 7 and 14 guarantee to all white men, civil rights, the protection of their persons and property, the right to enter into trade, and equality of taxation. How did the B
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POLICE, JUSTICE, AND LAW ACCORDING TO BOER METHODS.[10]
POLICE, JUSTICE, AND LAW ACCORDING TO BOER METHODS.[10]
In the Transvaal, law is an instrument made use of either to favor or oppress the individual, according to circumstances. If necessary it is made retrospective. To provide for the case of judges refusing to apply such laws, Law I. of 1897 has been passed, which compels them to swear obedience to the President and gives him the right to dismiss summarily such as prove insubordinate or lukewarm. The President of the High Court, Mr. Kotzé, fell under the action of this law, in February, 1898. Befor
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SECURITY OF INDIVIDUALS ACCORDING TO BOER IDEAS.[11]
SECURITY OF INDIVIDUALS ACCORDING TO BOER IDEAS.[11]
Dr. Kuyper proceeds with charming serenity: "The affair called the 'Amphitheatre Case' is more ridiculous still." And this is his mode of telling it:— "One day the South African League wished to hold a meeting in the Amphitheatre, and, through Mr. Wybergh, intimated to the State Attorney that they preferred not to be hampered by the presence of the police. In conformity with this wish, the State Attorney telegraphed to the Johannesburg police to keep away. But scarcely had the meeting commenced
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BOER OLIGARCHY.
BOER OLIGARCHY.
Dr. Kuyper, who has juggled with these facts, enumerates with a sort of amazed frankness the reproaches addressed to the Transvaal Government: The relations between legislative and judicial authority give rise to comments which cannot be considered groundless.... It has been called scandalous that the Chief Justice of the High Court should have been deposed. But, in 1839, President Johnson, of the United States, met the difficulty by making a majority of nine in the High Court, thus assuring to
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THE TRUTH ABOUT THE GOLD MINES.[12]
THE TRUTH ABOUT THE GOLD MINES.[12]
Let us see in what terms Dr. Kuyper justifies the Boer policy of exaction: "The Leonards and their set are very ready to tell us that the taxes in Johannesburg exceed in proportion those levied in every other country.... As to the quota paid by Uitlanders to the State, we beg leave to remind the British of two points: first, that they are exempt from all military service; secondly, that it is a far more serious matter for the Boers to pay with their lives, and the lives of their sons, than it is
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FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE BOERS[14]
FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE BOERS[14]
Like every true aristocrat, the Boer has always had a horror of paying taxes; he only approves of taxes paid by others. At the time of the annexation of the Transvaal by England in 1877, the Government was being crushed by debt, the burghers resolutely refusing to pay their taxes. Some order was brought into the finances by England; but the Boer revolt in December, 1880, was caused by the determination of Colonel Owen Lanyon, the English Resident, to seize the bullocks and wagons of recalcitrant
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MONOPOLIES IN THE TRANSVAAL AND THE NETHERLANDS RAILWAY COMPANY.[16]
MONOPOLIES IN THE TRANSVAAL AND THE NETHERLANDS RAILWAY COMPANY.[16]
The avowed taxes are far from representing the whole of the burden laid upon the Uitlanders by the Government of Pretoria. The Convention of 1881 guaranteed freedom of commerce; nevertheless, from 1882 onwards "the triumvirate who ruled the country," says Mr. FitzPatrick ( The Transvaal from Within ), "granted numbers of concessions, ostensibly for the purpose of opening up industries. The real reasons are generally considered to have been personal." In 1884, Article XIV. renewed the guarantee o
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"CAPITALIST INTRIGUES" AND THE WAR.[17]
"CAPITALIST INTRIGUES" AND THE WAR.[17]
"It is a war of capitalists against a set of poor Boers who have no sort of interest in the dispute!" Such is the general cry. Let us look at the facts. The other day, anent the attempt upon the Prince of Wales, I referred to the anarchist and socialistic attacks of certain Pro-Boer and Anglophobe journals on capitalists, financiers, and the wealthy "metal-hearted mine-owners," as Dr. Kuyper calls them. I reminded my readers that Professor Bryce himself treats as absurd the tale that the aim of
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THE FRANCHISE.[19]
THE FRANCHISE.[19]
Dr. Kuyper favors us with a long dissertation upon the various laws of naturalisation existing throughout the world. But he cannot compare a country such as Belgium with 226 inhabitants per square kilomètre, or as France with 72 per square kilomètre, with a country that has two inhabitants to the square kilomètre. Had he been logical, he would have said that the 9,712,000 square kilomètres of the United States should always have been exclusively peopled by the 600,000 or 700,000 Sioux Iroquois a
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THE FRANCHISE. AFTER THE CONFERENCE OF BLOEMFONTEIN.[20]
THE FRANCHISE. AFTER THE CONFERENCE OF BLOEMFONTEIN.[20]
The Anglophobe Pro-Boers of course blame Mr. Chamberlain for the rupture of the Bloemfontein Conference, and extol the forbearance of Mr. Krüger, who carried off his proposal to have it passed by the Volksraad, and "his" burghers. They do not reflect, that, had he honestly desired to put the matter on the road to settlement, Mr. Krüger should first have come to an understanding upon it. By passing it through the Volksraad as law, he should have cut the cable, were he in reality, anything but an
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THE SUZERAINTY OF ENGLAND AND THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.[21]
THE SUZERAINTY OF ENGLAND AND THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.[21]
Nine persons out of ten, when speaking of the Transvaal question, say: "Why did Chamberlain, at the last moment, raise the question of suzerainty? When everything had been settled, that question ruined all." The more thoughtful men base their opinion on an article in Le Temps of September 15th, in which occurs this hypothetical paragraph:— "Moreover it is possible, that, in the dim recesses of his brain, the Colonial Minister treasures, as a supreme hope and shadowy idea, the half-formed design
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THE ARBITRATION QUESTION.[22]
THE ARBITRATION QUESTION.[22]
According to the idea prevailing throughout Europe, President Krüger had conceded everything from the franchise point of view, when all was ruined by Mr. Chamberlain raising the Suzerainty Question at the last moment. We have seen the value of these two assertions. Then, certain members of the ultra peace party ask hotly: "Why did he not accept arbitration?" The word in itself appears to them to possess some sovereign virtue. Dr. Kuyper seems to me to be suffering from that terrible intellectual
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THE BOER ULTIMATUM.[23]
THE BOER ULTIMATUM.[23]
Referring to the Bloemfontein Conference, Dr. Kuyper says: "Mr. Chamberlain opened his criminal negotiations ... Unfortunately for him, his opponent, of whom Bismarck said there was not a statesman in Europe who surpassed him for sagacity and sound judgment, did not fall into the trap. He prolonged the negotiations ... but from the moment he held in his hands undeniable proofs of the manner in which Mr. Chamberlain was luring him on and seeking to gain time, he hurled at him the reproach of "cov
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DR. KUYPER'S FINAL METAPHOR.[24]
DR. KUYPER'S FINAL METAPHOR.[24]
I have finished my criticism of Dr. Kuyper's article. Should he not find it clear, perhaps he will be kind enough to mark the points which he desires to have explained. I will gladly insert his reply, on condition that he allows me to publish it, with his article, in pamphlet form, so that readers may have both sides of the question before them. I do not follow him in detail in his apologetic, religious, metaphysical, and oratorical digressions where common-places stand for facts and arguments.
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ENGLAND, HOLLAND AND GERMANY.[26]
ENGLAND, HOLLAND AND GERMANY.[26]
I have good reason for believing that President Krüger was kept by Dr. Leyds under the illusion that he could count on intervention in his favour. However, "Who should intervene?" is the question asked by M. Tallichet in his article, La Guerre du Transvaal et l'Europe , published by La Bibliothèque Universelle de Lausanne . "President MacKinley, as was asked of him in a petition organised by the Peace League? He has no such intention. Of the European Powers, three only could have tried to do so:
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Dr. Kuyper's Admission.
Dr. Kuyper's Admission.
I. Offer to Dr. Kuyper to reproduce his article.—II. Dilatory reply of Dr. Kuyper.—III. Withdrawal of Dr. Kuyper.—IV. M. Brunetière's refusal.—V. The Queen of Holland and Dr. Kuyper's article....
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Offer To Dr. Kuyper.
Offer To Dr. Kuyper.
On March 25th I addressed the following registered letter to Dr. Kuyper: March 25th, 1900. Sir , I have the honour to send you the numbers of Le Siècle containing a criticism of your article, "La Crise Sud-Africaine," which appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes . In order to present the pros and cons to the reader at one and the same time, I ask you to agree to the following proposition: I offer to publish in one pamphlet your article and my reply. I undertake to pay the cost and if there should
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II. Reply of Dr. Kuyper.
II. Reply of Dr. Kuyper.
I received the following letter, March 29th: Amsterdam , March 28th, 1900. To M. Yves Guyot. Sir , Only having received one number of your paper (23,381) I do not know whether your criticism is finished. As soon as I have it all before me—with references to the documents cited, if you please, otherwise it is difficult to follow—I will see whether it calls for a detailed reply on my part, in which case I might, according to American precedent, republish my article, inserting, with your permission
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III. Another Letter.
III. Another Letter.
On April 6th I sent the following letter to Dr. Kuyper (registered). April 6th, 1900. Sir , In a few days I shall have finished my replies to your article; they will then be published in pamphlet form. I have the honour to ask you definitely whether you accept my proposal to precede them with your article in the Revue des Deux Mondes . YVES GUYOT. In answer to this I received the following letter from Dr. Kuyper written from the Grand Hotel, Paris: Grand Hotel, 12, Boulevard des Capucines , Apri
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IV. M. Brunetière's Refusal.
IV. M. Brunetière's Refusal.
The next day I received the following from M. Brunetière: Paris , April 14th, 1900. Sir , You ask me for the authorisation to publish in a pamphlet Dr. Kuyper's article which appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes , under the title of "La Crise Sud-Africaine." I hasten to refuse you the authorisation. I am, Sir, etc., F. BRUNETIÈRE. In this reply I trace M. Brunetière's habitual courtesy. If I do not thank him for his refusal, I yet thank him for the promptness with which it was signified by him.
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V.
V.
On April 26th a telegram from the Havas Agency announced that the Queen of Holland had received the journalists of Amsterdam, of whom Dr. Kuyper is President. I therefore wrote the following letter to Mr. W.H. de Beaufort, the Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs: Paris , April 27th, 1900. To H.E. the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Sir , The Havas Agency, in a telegram, April 26, gives the following information: "Replying to a speech made by Dr. Kuyper, President of the Society of Journalists, the
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THE LAST PRO-BOER MANIFESTATION.
THE LAST PRO-BOER MANIFESTATION.
Since the foregoing articles were written Dr. Leyds and Mr. Boer have not been idle. M. Pierre Foncin, a General Inspector of the University, has compiled on behalf of a Society called "Le Sou des Boers," a manifesto ending thus: "Well then, since this lust of gold has resulted in war, let the gold of France be poured out in floods, in aid of the innocent victims!" In spite of considerable influence brought to bear upon this member of the University, the Committee, after some weeks' work, only m
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SOUTH AFRICAN CRITICS.
SOUTH AFRICAN CRITICS.
The letters written by Messrs. Labouchere, Ellis and Clark, Members of Parliament, found in Pretoria, are not of much importance to my mind. The authors were not branded as traitors by Mr. Chamberlain, he only wanted to place the letters before the public and their electors, who most likely will find these three gentlemen guilty of another offence than that of supporting Mr. Chamberlain's policy with President Krüger while they made him believe that, as they were fighting against that policy in
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THE TRANSVAAL AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE HELD IN PARIS FROM SEPTEMBER 30th TO OCTOBER 5th, 1900.
THE TRANSVAAL AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE HELD IN PARIS FROM SEPTEMBER 30th TO OCTOBER 5th, 1900.
In the English section of the Peace Conference the most prominent members of which were Dr. Clarke, Mr. Moscheles and Mr. Alexander, the following resolutions had been unanimously adopted to be proposed at the Peace Conference: "That according to the report sent by the Berne International Bureau it has come to the knowledge of the International Peace Congress, that: ( a ) "The British Government steadily opposed various attempts made with the object to submit the South African difficulties to ar
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