Argonauts Of The Western Pacific - free ebook by Bronislaw Malinowski

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Argonauts Of The Western Pacific

Bronislaw Malinowski

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Preface

Preface

By Sir James G. Frazer My esteemed friend, Dr. B. Malinowski has asked me to write a preface to his book, and I willingly comply with his request, though I can hardly think that any words of mine will add to the value of the remarkable record of anthropological research which he has given us in this volume. My observations, such as they are, will deal partly with the writer’s method and partly with the matter of his book. In regard to method, Dr. Malinowski has done his work, as it appears to me

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Foreword

Foreword

Much of the argument in this book has been greatly improved by the criticism given me by my friend, Mr. Paul Khuner, of Vienna, an expert in the practical affairs of modern industry and a highly competent thinker on economic matters. Professor L. T. Hobhouse has kindly read the proofs and given me valuable advice on several points. Sir James Frazer, by writing his Preface, has enhanced the value of this volume beyond its merit and it is not only a great honour and advantage for me to be introduc

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Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements

The native names and words in this book are written according to the simple rules, recommended by the Royal Geographical Society and the Royal Anthropological Institute. That is, the vowels are to be pronounced as in Italian and the consonants as in English. This spelling suits the sounds of the Melanesian languages of New Guinea sufficiently well. The apostrophe placed between two vowels indicates that they should be pronounced separately and not merged into a diphthong. The accent is almost al

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Phonetic Note.

Phonetic Note.

Map I—The native names and their spelling on this and the following map conform to the traditional nomenclature to be found on charts and old maps. Maps III–V show, the native names as ascertained by myself and phonetically spelled....

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Figures in text

Figures in text

Map I—The native names and their spelling on this and the following map conform to the traditional nomenclature to be found on charts and old maps. Maps III–V show, the native names as ascertained by myself and phonetically spelled. The coastal populations of the South Sea Islands, with very few exceptions, are, or were before their extinction, expert navigators and traders. Several of them had evolved excellent types of large sea-going canoes, and used to embark in them on distant trade expedit

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I

I

Before proceeding to the account of the Kula, it will be well to give a description of the methods used in the collecting of the ethnographic material. The results of scientific research in any branch of learning ought to be presented in a manner absolutely candid and above board. No one would dream of making an experimental contribution to physical or chemical science, without giving a detailed account of all the arrangements of the experiments; an exact description of the apparatus used; of th

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II

II

Imagine yourself suddenly set down surrounded by all your gear, alone on a tropical beach close to a native village, while the launch or dinghy which has brought you sails away out of sight. Since you take up your abode in the compound of some neighbouring white man, trader or missionary, you have nothing to do, but to start at once on your ethnographic work. Imagine further that you are a beginner, without previous experience, with nothing to guide you and no one to help you. For the white man

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III

III

The Chief’s Lisiga (Personal Hut) in Omarakana. To’uluwa, the present chief, is standing in front (cf. Ch. II, Div. V ); to the left, among the palms, is the Ethnographer’s tent (see Div. IV ), with a group of natives squatting in front of it. Street of Kasana’i (Inkiriwina, Trobriand Islands) An everyday scene, showing groups of people at their ordinary occupations. (See Div. IV ) Scene in Yourawotu (Trobriands) A complex, but well-defined, act of a sagali (ceremonial distribution) is going on.

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IV

IV

But the Ethnographer has not only to spread his nets in the right place, and wait for what will fall into them. He must be an active huntsman, and drive his quarry into them and follow it up to its most inaccessible lairs. And that leads us to the more active methods of pursuing ethnographic evidence. It has been mentioned at the end of Division III that the Ethnographer has to be inspired by the knowledge of the most modern results of scientific study, by its principles and aims. I shall not en

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V

V

Having settled this very general rule, let us descend to more detailed consideration of method. The Ethnographer has in the field, according to what has just been said, the duty before him of drawing up all the rules and regularities of tribal life; all that is permanent and fixed; of giving an anatomy of their culture, of depicting the constitution of their society. But these things, though crystallised and set, are nowhere formulated . There is no written or explicitly expressed code of laws,

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VI

VI

Returning once more to the question of methodological candour, discussed previously in Division II I wish to point out here, that the procedure of concrete and tabularised presentation of data ought to be applied first to the Ethnographer’s own credentials. That is, an Ethnographer, who wishes to be trusted, must show clearly and concisely, in a tabularised form, which are his own direct observations, and which the indirect information that form the bases of his account. The Table on the next pa

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VII

VII

In the same way, in studying the conspicuous acts of tribal life, such as ceremonies, rites, festivities, etc., the details and tone of behaviour ought to be given, besides the bare outline of events. The importance of this may be exemplified by one instance. Much has been said and written about survival. Yet the survival character of an act is expressed in nothing as well as in the concomitant behaviour, in the way in which it is carried out. Take any example from our own culture, whether it be

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VIII

VIII

Our considerations thus indicate that the goal of ethnographic field-work must be approached through three avenues: 1. The organisation of the tribe, and the anatomy of its culture must be recorded in firm, clear outline. The method of concrete, statistical documentation is the means through which such an outline has to be given. 2. Within this frame, the imponderabilia of actual life , and the type of behaviour have to be filled in. They have to be collected through minute, detailed observation

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IX

IX

1 The hiri , as these expeditions are called in Motuan, have been described with a great wealth of detail and clearness of outline by Captain F. Barton, in C. G. Seligman’s “The Melanesians of British New Guinea,” Cambridge, 1910, Chapter viii. ↑ 2 Cf: “The Mailu,” by B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia, 1915; Chapter iv. 4, pp. 612 to 629. ↑ 3 Op. cit. Chapter xl. ↑ 4 On this point of method again, we are indebted to the Cambridge School of Anthropology for havin

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I

I

The adjacent Map III shows the Kula district, that is, the easternmost end of the main island and the archipelagoes lying to its East and North-East. As Professor C. G. Seligman says: “This area can be divided into two parts, a small northern portion comprising the Trobriands, the Marshall Bennets, the Woodlarks (Murua), as well as a number of smaller islands such as the Laughlans (Nada), and a far larger southern portion comprising the remainder of the Massim domain” (op. cit., p. 7). This divi

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II

II

Such are the general characteristics of the Northern and Southern Massim respectively, given in a few words. But before proceeding with our subject, it will be good to give a short but more detailed sketch of each of these tribes. I shall begin with the southernmost section, following the order in which a visitor, travelling from Port Moresby with the Mail boat, would come in contact with these districts, the way indeed in which I received my first impressions of them. My personal knowledge of t

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III

III

Scenes on the Beach of Silosilo (Southern Massim District). These represent phases of a big annual feast, the so’i . (See Div. III. , and compare also Ch. XXI. ) Note the prominent part taken by women in the proceedings; the use of the “ceremonial” axe handles; the manner of carrying pigs, and the canoes beached on the shore. Village Scenes During a So’i Feast. These show types of Southern Massim and their decorations again note the prominent part taken by women in the ceremonial actions. (See D

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IV

IV

Their system of kinship is matrilineal, and women hold a very good position, and wield great influence. They also seem to take a much more permanent and prominent part in tribal life than is the case among the neighbouring populations. There is notably one of the features of Dobuan society, which seems to strike the Trobrianders as peculiar, and to which they will direct attention while giving information, even although in the Trobriands also women have a good enough social position. In Dobu, wo

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V

V

With a strong South-Easterly wind, which blows here for three quarters of the year, we approach the islands very fast, and the two most important ones, Gumawana and Ome’a, almost seem to leap out of the mist. As we anchor in front of Gumawana village at the S.E. end of the island, we cannot but feel impressed. Built on a narrow strip of foreshore, open to the breakers, and squeezed down to the water’s edge by an almost precipitously rising jungle at its back, the village has been made sea-proof

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I

I

It is difficult to convey the feelings of intense interest and suspense with which an Ethnographer enters for the first time the district that is to be the future scene of his field-work. Certain salient features, characteristic of the place, at once rivet his attention, and fill him with hopes or apprehensions. The appearance of the natives, their manners, their types of behaviour, may augur well or ill for the possibilities of rapid and easy research. One is on the lookout for symptoms of deep

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II

II

Returning to our imaginary first visit ashore, the next interesting thing to do, after we have sufficiently taken in the appearance and manners of the natives, is to walk round the village. In doing this, again we would come across much, which to a trained eye, would reveal at once deeper sociological facts. In the Trobriands, however, it would be better to make our first observations in one of the large, inland villages, situated on even, flat ground with plenty of space, so that it has been po

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III

III

Dancers in Full Decoration A segment of the dancing circle, in a kaydebu dance, village of Yalaka. (See Div. III ) The broad inspection of the village would therefore reveal to us the rôle of decoration as insignia of rank, the existence of bachelors’ and spinsters’ houses, the great importance attached to the yam-harvest—all these small symptoms which, followed up, would lead us deep into the problems of native sociology. Moreover, such an inspection would have led us to inquire as to the part

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IV

IV

In years when the harvest promises to be plentiful, the chief will proclaim a kayasa harvest, that is to say, ceremonial, competitive display of food, and then the straining for good results and the interest taken in them are still higher. We shall meet later on with ceremonial enterprises of the kayasa type, and find that they play a considerable part in the Kula. All this shows how entirely the real native of flesh and bone differs from the shadowy Primitive Economic Man, on whose imaginary be

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V

V

Thus the chief’s position can be grasped only through the realisation of the high importance of wealth, of the necessity of paying for everything, even for services which are due to him, and which could not be withheld. Again, this wealth comes to the chief from his relations-in-law, and it is through his right to practise polygamy that he actually achieves his position, and exercises his power. Side by side with this rather complex mechanism of authority, the prestige of rank, the direct recogn

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VI

VI

It is difficult, in one phrase or two, to epitomise the distinction between the two relations, that between a boy and his maternal uncle, and that between a son and a father. The best way to put it shortly might be by saying that the maternal uncle’s position of close relation is regarded as right by law and usage, whereas the father’s interest and affection for his children are due to sentiment, and to the intimate personal relations existing between them. He has watched the children grow up, h

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VII

VII

Should this be so, he resorts to the final and most fatal rite, that of the pointing-bone. Uttering powerful spells, the bwaga’u and one or two accomplices, boil some coco-nut oil in a small pot, far away in a dense patch of jungle. Leaves of herbs are soaked in the oil, and then wrapped round a sharp stingaree spine, or some similar pointed object, and the final incantation, most deadly of all, is chanted over it. Then the bwaga’u steals towards the village, catches sight of his victim, and hid

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VIII

VIII

Finally, I want to point out again that the descriptions of the various Kula districts given in this and in the previous chapter, though accurate in every detail, are not meant to be an exhaustive ethnographic sketch of the tribes. They have been given with a few light touches in order to produce a vivid and so-to-speak personal impression of the various type of natives, and countries and of cultures. If I have succeeded in giving a physiognomy to each of the various tribes, to the Trobrianders,

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I

I

The integration of all the details observed, the achievement of a sociological synthesis of all the various, relevant symptoms, is the task of the Ethnographer. First of all, he has to find out that certain activities, which at first sight might appear incoherent and not correlated, have a meaning. He then has to find out what is constant and relevant in these activities, and what accidental and inessential, that is, to find out the laws and rules of all the transactions. Again, the Ethnographer

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II

II

First of all, a few words must be said about the two principal objects of exchange, the arm-shells ( mwali ) and the necklaces ( soulava ). The arm-shells are obtained by breaking off the top and the narrow end of a big, cone-shaped shell ( Conus millepunctatus ), and then polishing up the remaining ring. These bracelets are highly coveted by all the Papuo-Melanesians of New Guinea, and they spread even into the pure Papuan district of the Gulf. 2 The manner of wearing the arm-shells is illustra

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III

III

Two Women Adorned with Necklaces This shows the manner in which a soulava is worn, when used as a decoration. (See Div. I ) Indeed—and this is more significant—by far the greater number of the arm-shells, easily ninety per cent., are of too small a size to be worn even by young boys and girls. A few are so big and valuable that they would not be worn at all, except once in a decade by a very important man on a very festive day. Though all the shell-strings can be worn, some of them are again con

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IV

IV

Now we pass to another rule of the Kula, of the greatest importance. As just explained “the armshells and shell-strings always travel in their own respective directions on the ring, and they are never, under any circumstances, traded back in the wrong direction. Also, they never stop. It seems almost incredible at first, but it is the fact, nevertheless, that no one ever keeps any of the Kula: valuables for any length of time. Indeed, in the whole of the Trobriands there are perhaps only one or

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V

V

The two main principles, namely, first that the Kula is a gift repaid after an interval of time by a counter-gift, and not a bartering; and second, that the equivalent rests with the giver, and cannot be enforced, nor can there be any haggling or going back on the exchange—these underlie all the transactions. A concrete outline of how they are carried on, will give a sufficient preliminary idea. “Let us suppose that I, a Sinaketa man, am in possession of a pair of big armshells. An overseas expe

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VI

VI

It is clear that an institution so closely associated with magical and ceremonial elements, as is the Kula, not only rests on a firm, traditional foundation, but also has its large store of legends. “There is a rich mythology of the Kula, in which stories are told about far-off times when mythical ancestors sailed on distant and daring expeditions. Owing totheir magical knowledge they were able to escape dangers, to conquer their enemies, to surmount obstacles, and by their feats they establishe

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I

I

Putting a Canoe into its Hangar The canoes on the East shores of Boyowa are seldom used, and when idle are housed in shelters, built very much like ordinary huts, only much larger. Canoe Under Sail This illustrates the rigging, the tilt of the canoe—the raised outrigger—and the carrying capacity of a canoe. This one is well in the water, with a crew of eighteen men. (See Div. I and II , and Ch. IX ). A look at the pictures (for instance Plates XXI , XXIV , XXXIX , or XLVII ) will give us some id

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II

II

(i) The volume of the dug-out log naturally depends upon the length, and thickness of the log. Fairly stable canoes are made of simply scooped-out logs. There are limits, however, to the capacity of these, which are very soon reached. But by building out the side, by adding one or several planks to them, as shown in Figure I (4) the volume and the depth can be greatly increased without much increase in weight. So that such a canoe has a good deal of freeboard to prevent water from breaking in. T

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III

III

First of all, it must be realised that the natives firmly believe in the value of magic, and that this conviction, when put to the test of their actions, is quite unwavering, even nowadays when so much of native belief and custom has been undermined. We may speak of the sociological weight of tradition, that is of the degree to which the behaviour of a community is affected by the traditional commands of tribal law and customs. In the Trobriands, the general injunction for always building canoes

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IV

IV

(1) There are first the formal and ceremonial privileges. Thus, the toliwaga has the privilege of acting as spokesman of his community in all matters of sailing or construction. He assembles the council, informal or formal as the case may be, and opens the question of when the sailing will take place. This right of initiative is purely a nominal one, because both in construction and sailing, the date of enterprise is determined by outward causes, such as reciprocity to overseas tribes, seasons,

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V

V

To this number, the canoes of the Northern district must be added, but they are never used in the Kula. In olden days, this figure was, on a rough estimate, more than double of what it is now, because, first of all, there are some villages which had canoes in the old days and now have none, and then the number of villages which became extinct a few generations ago is considerable. About half a century ago, there were in Vakuta alone about sixty canoes, in Sinaketa at least twenty, in Kitava thir

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I

I

In this chapter, the incidents will be related one after the other as they happen in the normal routine of tribal life, obeying the commands of custom, and the indications of belief, the latter acting more rigidly and strongly even than the former. It will be necessary, in following this consecutive account, to keep in mind the definite, sociological mechanism underlying the activities, and the system of ideas at work in regulating labour and magic. The social organisation has been described in

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Vabusi Tokway Spell.

Vabusi Tokway Spell.

This spell, given in free translation, which, however, follows the original very closely, word for word, is far clearer than the average sample of Trobriand magic. In the first part, the tokway is invoked under various names, and invited to leave his abode, and to move to some other place, and there to be at his ease. In the second part, the canoe is mentioned with several epithets, all of which denote an act of discourtesy or ill-omen. This is obviously done to compel the tokway to leave the tr

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Kaymomwa’u Spell.

Kaymomwa’u Spell.

This bunch of grass is then ritually thrown away. It is called momwa’u , or the “heavy bunch.” Another handful of the long lalang grass, seared and dry, is taken, and this is the gagabile , the “light bunch,” and with this the canoe is again beaten. The meaning of the rite is quite plain: the first bunch takes into it the heaviness of the log, and the second imparts lightness to it. Both spells also express this meaning in plain terms. The second spell, recited with the gagabile bunch, runs thus

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Kaygagabile Spell.

Kaygagabile Spell.

These formulæ are used both to make the log lighter for the present purpose of pulling it into the village, and in order to give it greater speed in general, when it is made up into a waga . After the log has been finally brought into the village, and left on the baku , the main central place, the creeper by means of which it has been pulled and which is called in this connection duku , is not cut away at once. This is done ceremonially on the morning of the following day, sometimes after even t

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Kapitunena Duku Spell.

Kapitunena Duku Spell.

After the recital of this long spell over the herbs and blade of his adze, the magician wraps up the dry banana leaf, thus imprisoning the magical virtue of the spell round the blade, and with this, he strikes and cuts through the duku (the creeper used for the pulling of the canoes.) With this, the magic is not over yet, for on the same evening, when the canoe is put on transversal logs ( nigakulu ), another rite has to be carried out. Some herbs are placed on the transversals between them and

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III

III

And now a few words must be said about the wayugo , the lashing creeper. Only one species of creeper is used for the lashing of boats, and it is of the utmost importance that this creeper should be sound and strong. It is this alone that maintains the cohesion of the various parts, and in rough weather, very much depends on how the lashings will stand the strain. The other parts of the canoe—the outrigger poles—can be more easily tested, and as they are made of strong, elastic wood, they usually

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IV

IV

A less general point, of great interest, however, is that of evil magic ( bulubwalata ) and of broken taboos. I had to mention several exorcisms against those influences, and something must be said about them here. The term bulubwalata covers all forms of evil magic or witchery. There is that which, directed against pigs, makes them run away from their owners into the bush; there is bulubwalata for alienating the affections of a wife or sweetheart; there is evil magic against gardens, and—perhap

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I

I

In order to give one concrete illustration of the ceremonial connected with canoe building and launching, it may be well to relate an actual event. I shall therefore describe the tasasoria , seen on the beach of Kaulukuba, in February, 1916, when the new canoe of Kasana’i was launched. Eight canoes took part in the trial run, that is, all the canoes of Kiriwina, which forms what I have called the “Kula community,” the social group who make their Kula expeditions in a body, and who have the same

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II

II

All the details of custom, all the magical formulæ, the whole fringe of ceremonial and rite which accompany canoe-building, all these things add weight to the social scheme of duties. The importance of magical ideas and rites as integrating forces has been indicated at the outset of this description. It is easy to see how all the appurtenances of ceremony, that is, magic, decoration, and public attendance welded together into one whole with labour, serve to put order and organisation into it. An

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III

III

Here, however, its seems necessary to make another digression from the straight narrative of the Kula, and give an outline of the various forms of trade and exchange as we find them in the Trobriands. Indeed, the main theme of this volume is the Kula, a form of exchange, and I would be untrue to my chief principle of method, were I to give the description of one form of exchange torn out of its most intimate context; that is, were I to give an account of the Kula without giving at least a genera

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IV

IV

Communal Cooking of Mona (Taro Dumplings) Large clay-pots , imported from the Amphletts, are used for the purpose; in these, coco-nut oil is brought to a boil, pieces of pounded taro being thrown in afterwards, while a man stirs the contents with a long, decorated, wooden ladle. Scene in the Wasi (Ceremonial Exchange of Vegetables for Fish) The inland party have brought their yams by boat to the village of Oburaku, which is practically inaccessible by land. They are putting up the vegetables int

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V

V

I have on purpose spoken of forms of exchange, of gifts and counter-gifts, rather than of barter or trade, because, although there exist forms of barter pure and simple, there are so many transitions and gradations between that and simple gift, that it is impossible to draw any fixed line between trade on the one hand, and exchange of gifts on the other. Indeed, the drawing of any lines to suit our own terminology and our own distinctions is contrary to sound method. In order to deal with these

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VI

VI

The reciprocity in these gifts never amounts to their full value, but the recipient is supposed to give a valuable ( vaygu’a ) or a pig to his wife’s brother from time to time. Again if he summons his wife’s kinsmen to do communal work for him, according to the kabutu system, he pays them in food. In this case also the payments are not the full equivalent of the services rendered. Thus we see that the relationship between a man and his wife’s kinsmen is full of mutual gifts and services, in whic

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VII

VII

5. The Relationship of Personal Friendship .—Two men thus bound as a rule will carry on Kula between themselves, and, if they belong to an inland and Lagoon village respectively, they will be partners in the exchange of fish and vegetables ( wasi ). 6. Fellow-citizenship in a Village Community .—There are many types of presents given by one community to another. And, economically, the bonds of fellow-citizenship mean the obligation to contribute one’s share to such a present. Again, at the mortu

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Chapter VII The Departure of an Overseas Expedition

Chapter VII The Departure of an Overseas Expedition

A Loaded Canoe A masawa canoe on the beach of Nu’agasi (in the Amphletts), showing the main load at the gebobo (middle partition). Walking towards the North, over the black soil here and there pierced by coral, among tall trees and bits of jungle, fields and gardens, we come to Kanubayne, the village of Kouta’uya, the second most important chief in Sinaketa. Very likely we shall see him sitting on the platform of his hut or yam-house, a shrivelled up, toothless old man, wearing a big native wig.

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Yawarapu Spell.

Yawarapu Spell.

The first part of this spell contains a reference to the betel-nut, this being one of the things which the natives expect to receive in the Kula. On the other hand, it is one of the substances which the natives charm over and give to the partner to induce him to kula with them. To which of these two acts the spell refers, it is impossible to decide, nor can the natives tell it. The part in which he extols his speed and success are typical of the magic formulæ, and can be found in many others. Th

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Sulumwoya Spell.1

Sulumwoya Spell.1

The exordium of this spell contains some mythical references, of which, however, my informants could give me only confused explanations. But it is clear in so far as it refers directly to the magical mint, and describes its magical efficiency. In the second part, there is again a list of words referring to objects used in the Kula, and to the personal appearance and persuasiveness of the magician. The verb with which they are repeated refers to the boiling of the mint and coco-nut oil which I sh

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Kaymwaloyo Spell.

Kaymwaloyo Spell.

After the recital of this spell over the oil and mint, the magician takes these substances, and places them in a receptacle made of banana leaf toughened by grilling. Nowadays a glass bottle is sometimes used instead. The receptacle is then attached to a stick thrust through the prow boards of the canoe and protruding slantwise over the nose. As we shall see later on, the aromatic oil will be used in anointing some objects on arrival at Dobu. With this, however, the series of magical rites is no

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Lilava Spell.

Lilava Spell.

This magical rite takes place on the morning of the last day. Immediately after the recital of the spell, and the rolling up of the lilava , it is carried to the canoe, and put into its place of honour. By that time the usagelu (members of the crew) have already made the canoe ready for sailing. Each masawa canoe is divided into ten, eleven, or twelve compartments by the stout, horizontal poles called riu , which join the body of the canoe with the outrigger. Such a compartment is called liku ,

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Gebobo Spell.

Gebobo Spell.

This last part is similar to several of the other formulæ. This rite is obviously a Kula rite, judging from the spell, but the natives maintain that its special virtue is to make the food stuffs, loaded into the canoe, last longer. After this rite is over, the loading is done quickly, the lilava is put into its place of honour, and with it the best food to be eaten in Dobu. Some other choice food to serve as pokala (offerings) is also put in the gebobo, to be offered to overseas partners; on it,

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I

I

Only after the most distant community with whom the Sinaketans kula has been reached, and after due time has been allowed for the collection of any vaygu’a within reach, will the party start on the return journey. Concrete cases are quoted in which expeditions had to start several times from Sinaketa, always returning within a few days after all the provisions had been eaten on Muwa, from where a contrary wind would not allow the canoes to move south. Or again, a memorable expedition, some few d

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II

II

He goes thus over all the heaps, allotting each one to a canoe. After that is finished, some of the younger boys of each canoe go and fetch their heap. This is brought to their fire, the meat is roasted, and the yams, the sugar cane and betel-nut distributed among the crew, who presently sit down and eat, each group by itself. We see that, although the toli’uvalaku is responsible for the feast, and receives from the natives all the credit for it, his active part in the proceedings is a small one

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Kadumiyala Spell.

Kadumiyala Spell.

After this is over, the toliwaga enters the canoe, the sail is hoisted, and the canoe rushes ahead. Now two or three pandanus streamers which had previously been medicated in the village by the toliwaga are tied to the rigging, and to the mast. The following is the spell which had been said over them: “Bora’i, Bora’i (a mythical name). Bora’i flies, it will fly; Bora’i Bora’i, Bora’i stands up, it will stand up. In company with Bora’i— sidididi . Break through your passage in Kadimwatu, pierce t

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Bisila Spell.

Bisila Spell.

There is a definite association in the minds of the natives between the pandanus streamers, with which they usually decorate mast, rigging and sail, and the speed of the canoe. The decorative effect of the floating strips of pale, glittering yellow is indeed wonderful, when the speed of the canoe makes them flutter in the wind. Like small banners of some stiff, golden fabric they envelope the sail and rigging with light, colour and movement. The pandanus streamers, and especially their trembling

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Kayikuna Veva Spell.

Kayikuna Veva Spell.

These are the three usual rites for the sake of speed at the beginning of the journey. If the canoe remains slow, however, an auxiliary rite is performed; a piece of dried banana leaf is put between the gunwale and one of the inner frame sticks of the canoe, and a spell is recited over it. After that, they beat both ends of the canoe with this banana leaf. If the canoe is still heavy, and lags behind the others, a piece of kuleya (cooked and stale yam) is put on a mat, and the toliwaga medicates

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I

I

On the East, indeed, beyond the dangerous barrier reef, there is a friendly horizon, marked for them by the Marshall Bennett Islands, and Woodlark, the country known under the term Omuyuwa. To the South, there is the Koya, also known as the land of the kinana , by which name the natives of the d’Entrecasteaux and the Amphletts are known generically. But to the South-West and West there is the deep open sea ( bebega ), and beyond that, lands inhabited by tailed people, and by people with wings, o

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II

II

Another thing that also makes their sailing not so dangerous as one would imagine, is the regularity of the winds in this part of the world. As a rule, in each of the two main seasons, there is one prevailing direction of wind, which does not shift more than within some ninety degrees. Thus, in the dry season, from May to October, the trade wind blows almost incessantly from the South-East or South, moving sometimes to the North-East, but never beyond that . As a matter of fact, however, this se

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III

III

There are, besides, definite rules, referring to the behaviour of one canoe towards another, but these vary considerably with the different villages. In Sinaketa, such rules are very few; no fixed sequence is observed in the sailing order of the canoes, anyone of them can start first, and if one of them is swifter it may pass any of the others, even that of a chief. This, however, has to be done so that the slower canoe is not passed on the outrigger side. Should this happen, the transgressing c

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IV

IV

Another danger threatening a canoe on the high seas, is a big, special Rain, or Water falling from above, called Sinamatanoginogi . When in rain and bad weather a canoe, in spite of all the efforts to bale it out, fills with water, Sinamatanoginogi strikes it from above and breaks it up. Whether at the basis of this are the accidents with waterspouts, or cloud-bursts or simply extremely big waves breaking up the canoe, it is difficult to judge. On the whole, this belief is more easily accounted

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I

I

It is easy to pick out such girls from other children. They will be recognisable by their crude tastes, and more especially by their habit of eating raw flesh of pigs or uncooked fish. And here we come to a point, where mythical superstition plays over into something more real, for I have been assured by reliable informants, and those not only natives, that there are cases of girls who will show a craving for raw meat, and when a pig is being quartered in the village will drink its blood and tea

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II

II

Thus here, as in all cases of belief, there is a certain latitude, within which the opinions and views may vary, and only the broad outline, which surrounds them, is definitely fixed by tradition, embodied in ritual, and expressed by the phraseology of magical formulæ or by the statements of a myth. I have thus defined the manner in which the natives face the dangers of the sea; we have found, that the fundamental conceptions underlying this attitude are, that in shipwreck, men are entirely in t

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Giyorokaywa No. 1 (Leyya Kayga’u).

Giyorokaywa No. 1 (Leyya Kayga’u).

After the long tapwana has been recited, there follows the last part, which, however, is not chanted in this case, but spoken in a low, persuasive, tender voice. “I hit thy flanks; I fold over thy mat, thy bleached mat of pandanus; I shall make it into thy mantle. I take thy sleeping doba (grass skirt), I cover thy loins; remain there, snore within thy house! I alone myself” (here the reciter’s name is uttered) “I shall remain in the sea, I shall swim!” This last part throws some interesting sid

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Giyorokaywa No. 2 (Pwaka Kayga’u).

Giyorokaywa No. 2 (Pwaka Kayga’u).

This is again a long spell of the giyorokaywa type, that is, directed against the mulukwausi , and in this the spell is consistent, for the mulukwausi alone are invoked in the middle period. After the spell has been chanted into the lime pot, this is well stoppered, and not opened till the end of the journey. It must be noted that these two giyorokaywa spells have been spoken by our toliwaga in the village or on Muwa beach, and in day time. For, as said above, it is a taboo to utter them in the

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Giyotanawa No. 1 (Dakuna Kayga’u).

Giyotanawa No. 1 (Dakuna Kayga’u).

The commentary to the opening sentences given by my informant, Molilakwa of Oburaku, was: “This magic is taught to people when they are quite young. Hence the mention of young people.” The obliterating of traces will be made clearer by the account which follows, in which we shall see that to obliterate traces, to put off the scent the shark and mulukwausi are the main concerns of the shipwrecked party. The middle part refers to sharks only, and so does the peroration. The passage of Kiyawa near

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IV

IV

I have given here a reconstruction of a native account, as I have often heard it told with characteristic vividness: spoken in short, jerky sentences, with onamatopoetic representations of sound, the narrative exaggerates certain features, and omits others. The excellency of the narrator’s own magic, the violence of the elements at critical moments, he would always reiterate with monotonous insistence. He would diverge into some correlated subject, jump ahead, missing out several stages, come ba

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Kaytaria Spell.

Kaytaria Spell.

There is no end part to this spell, as it was given to me; only the beginning is repeated after the main part. It is not impossible that Molilakwa himself, my informant, did not know the spell to the end. Such magic, once learnt by a native, never used, and recited perhaps once a year during a mortuary ceremony, or occasionally, in order to show off, is easily forgotten. There is a marked difference between the vacillating and uncertain way in which such spells are produced by informants, and th

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Myth of Tokulubwaydoga.

Myth of Tokulubwaydoga.

This little fragment gives a good idea of what the first version is, even of so well fixed a piece of narrative as a myth. It has to be supplemented by inquiries as to the motives of the behaviour of the various personages, as to the relations of one event to the other. Thus, further questions revealed that the elder brother refused to take the dog with him on this fishing expedition. Tokulubwaydoga then determined to go all the same, and swam to Digumenu, following the canoe of his brother. Thi

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Kayga’u of Tokulubwaydoga.

Kayga’u of Tokulubwaydoga.

The mythological and magical data presented in this chapter all bear upon the native belief in flying witches and dangers at sea, a belief in which elements of reality are strangely blended with traditionally fixed fancies, in a way, however, not uncommon to human belief in general. It is time now to return to our party on the beach at Yakum, who, after having spent the night there, next morning rig up their masts, and with a favourable wind, soon reach the waters of Gumasila and Domdom. 1 Profe

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I

I

Landing in the Main Village of Gumasila. (See Div. I .) Without any preliminary welcoming ceremony or formal reception, the Sinaketan guests now leave their canoes and disperse among the villagers, settle down in groups near the houses of their friends, and engage in betel chewing and conversations. They speak in Kiriwinian, a language which is universally known in the Amphletts. Almost as soon as they go ashore, they give to their partners presents of pari (opening gift), some small object, suc

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II

II

The best way of obtaining detailed information, and of eliminating any errors which might have crept into ethnographic generalisations, is to collect concrete data. I have drawn up a complete list of the partners of Kouta’uya, who is one of the biggest Kula men in the whole Ring; another list of a smaller Sinaketa headman, Toybayoba; and of course I know several complements of partners of smaller men, who, as a rule, have about four to six partners each. The full list of Kouta’uya includes fifty

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III

III

In olden days, before the white man’s advent, the conditions were a little more complicated. Only one island, Kwatouto, being on friendly terms with the natives had the freedom of the Northern shore. Whether the other islands used also to fetch the clay from there, doing so armed and ready for attack; or whether they used to acquire the clay by barter from Kwatouto, I could not definitely establish. The information one receives in the Amphletts is exceedingly unsatisfactory, and my several infor

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IV

IV

1 See Chapter II, Division VII . ↑ 2 I cannot tell what sort of influence this would be, exercised by a sister over her brother in Dobu. I do not even know whether, in that district, there obtains the same taboo between brother and sister as in the Trobriands. ↑ 3 This is the information which I obtained during my short visit to Murua (Woodlark Island), and which was confirmed by the Trobriand Islanders. Professor Seligman states, also, that the sepulchral pots, found in this island come from

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I

I

Such was the story told me by the chief of Omarakana about the song and dance of Gumagabu, which at that time they were singing and performing in his village. I have adduced it in full, in an almost literal translation from the native text, in order to show it side by side with the song. The narrative thus reproduced shows characteristic gaps, and it does not cover even the incidents of the song. The following is a free translation of the song, which, in its original native text, is very condens

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II

II

Our mother, Dibwaruna, dreams on the mat. She dreams about the killing. ‘Revenge the wailing; Anchor; hit the Gabu strangers!’ ——The stranger comes out; The chief gives him the pari ; ‘I shall give you the doga ; Bring me things from the mountain to the canoe!’...

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III

III

We exchange our vaygu’a ; The rumour of my arrival spreads through the Koya We talk and talk. He bends and is killed. His companions run away; His body is thrown into the sea; The companions of the Kinana run away, We sail home....

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IV

IV

Next day, the sea foams up, The chief’s canoe stops on the reef; The storm approaches; The chief is afraid of drowning. The conch shell is blown: It sounds in the mountain. They all weep on the reef....

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V

V

They paddle in the chief’s canoe; They circle round the point of Bewara. ‘I have hung my basket. I have met him.’ So cries the chief, So cries repeatedly the chief....

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VI

VI

Women in festive decoration Walk on the beach. Nawaruva puts on her turtle rings; She puts on her luluga’u skirt. In the village of my fathers, in Burakwa, There is plenty of food; Plenty is brought in for distribution. The character of this song is extremely elliptic, one might even say futuristic, since several scenes are crowded simultaneously into the picture. In the first strophe we see the Kinana , by which word all the tribesmen from the d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago are designated in Boyow

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II

II

Indeed, whenever a story is told, any native, even a boy, would be able to say whether this is one of his tribal lili’u or not. For the other tales, that is the historical ones, they have no special word, but they would describe the events as happening among ‘humans like ourselves.’ Thus tradition, from which the store of tales is received, hands them on labelled as lili’u , and the definition of a lili’u , is that it is a story transmitted with such a label. And even this definition is containe

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III

III

And here begins the real Kula part of the myth. The expedition arrives at Gawa, where Tokosikuna remains with his canoe on the beach, while the other men go to the village to kula . They collect all the smaller armshells of the soulava type, but the big ones, the bagi , remain in the village, for the local men are unwilling to give them. Then Tokosikuna starts for the village after all the others have returned. After a short while, he arrives from the village, carrying all the bagido’u bagidudu

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IV

IV

“Next day they sailed to Tewara, they arrived at the beach of Kadimwatu. They saw his canoe anchored there, the dog came out and ran along the beach. They spoke to the Kudayuri men, ‘How did you come here?’ ‘We came with you, the same way we came.’ They made Kula in Tewara. Next day, they sailed to Bwayowa (village in Dobu district). He flew, and anchored at the beach Sarubwoyna. They arrived there, they saw: ‘Oh, look at the canoe, are these fishermen from Dobu?’ The dog came out. They recognis

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V

V

“Well, then, this man Kasabwaybwayreta remained in the island Gabula. He saw Tokom’mwawa (evening star) approach. He spoke: ‘My friend, come here, let me just enter into your canoe!’ ‘O no, I shall go to another place.’ There came Kaylateku (Sirius). He asked him: ‘Let me go with you.’ He refused. There came Kayyousi (Southern Cross). Kasabwaybwayreta wanted to go with him. He refused. There came Umnakayva’u, (Alpha and Beta Centauri). He wanted a place in his canoe. He refused. There came Kibi

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VI

VI

But I also said before that, distinct as it is, the mythical world is not separated by an unbridgeable gulf from the present order of events. Indeed, though an ideal must be always beyond what actually exists, yet it must appear just within reach of realisation if it is to be effective at all. Now, after we have become acquainted with their stories, we can see clearly what was meant when it was said, that magic acts as a link between the mythical and the actual realities. In the canoe myth, for

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VII

VII

As we return to our party, who, sailing past the mythical centre of Tewara, make for the island of Sanaro’a, the first thing to be related about them, brings us straight to another mythological story. As the natives enter the district of Siayawawa, they pass a stone or rock, called Sinatemubadiye’i. I have not seen it, but the natives tell me it lies among the mangroves in a tidal creek. Like the stone Gurewaya, mentioned before, this one also enjoys certain privileges, and offerings are given t

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Myth of Atu’a’ine, Aturamo’a and Sinatemubadiye’i.

Myth of Atu’a’ine, Aturamo’a and Sinatemubadiye’i.

This short version of the myth I obtained in Sinaketa. The story shows us three people migrating for unknown reasons from the North-East to this district. The sister, after having lost her comb, decides to remain in Siyawawa, and turns into the rock Sinatemubadiye’i. The brothers go only a few miles further, to undergo the same transformation at the Northern end of Sarubwoyna beach. There is the characteristic distinction between the cannibal and the non-cannibal. As the story was told to me in

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I

I

This is the place which was already mentioned in Chapter II when, in giving a description of the district, we imagined ourselves passing near this beach and meeting there a large fleet of canoes, whose crews were engaged in some mysterious activities. I said there that up to a hundred canoes might have been seen anchored near the beach, and indeed, on a big uvalaku expedition in olden days such a figure could easily have been reached. For, on a rough estimate, Sinaketa could have produced some t

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Kaykakaya Spell

Kaykakaya Spell

At the beginning of this spell, we find enumerated a series of fish names. These fishes all have red markings on their bodies, and they are tabooed to the people, who recite the mwasila magic and do the Kula. If eaten, they would give a man an ugly appearance. The above quoted saying of one of my informants: “we eat bad fish, we are ugly,” refers to these fishes amongst others. In this formula, the invocation is partly an appeal for assistance, and partly a sort of exorcism, which is meant to un

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Talo Spell

Talo Spell

At the beginning we have again the mention of two fishes; evidently the redness of the fish is the right redness for the Kula! I am unable to explain the meaning of the second sentence, except that the petals of the pandanus flower are slightly coloured at one end, and that they are considered as one of the finest and most attractive ornaments. The middle part and the end of this spell need no commentary. These two spells will be sufficient to indicate the general character of the beauty magic o

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Kayikuna Tabuyo

Kayikuna Tabuyo

The first two words of this spell are personal names of men, as the initial syllable Mo- indicates, but no information about them was available. The allusion to the fish-hawk in the main part suggests a connection between the action of the rite, that is, the moving of the tabuyo , with this part of the spell, for the ornamental prow-boards are called synonymously buribwari (fish-hawk). On the other hand, the expression: “Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey,” is no doubt also a magical simile, expressing

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Kavalikuliku

Kavalikuliku

The opening two sentences are clear; they contain a typical magical exaggeration, and equally typical permutation of words. Then comes the terrible verbal onslaught on “the mountain,” in which the dreadful upheaval is carried on in words. “The mountain” ( koya ) stands here for the community of partners, for the partner, for his mind. It was very difficult to translate the expression kubara, takuba kubara . It is evidently an archaic word, and I have found it in several formulæ of the mwasila .

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III

III

“Floating spirit of Nikiniki! Duduba, Kirakira .” (These words are untranslatable). “It ebbs, it ebbs away! Thy fury ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu! Thy war paint ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu! Thy sting ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu! Thy anger ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu! Thy chasing away ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!” A long string of various expressings denoting hostile passions, disinclination to make Kula, and all the paraphernalia of war are here enumerated. Thus, suc

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Ka’ubana’i

Ka’ubana’i

Then the whole litany is again repeated, the key word, instead of, “it ebbs, it ebbs away” being “the dog sniffs.” In connection with all the other words, this would run, more or less, in a free translation:— “Thy fury, O man of Dobu, is as when the dog sniffs,” or, more explicitly:— “Thy fury, O man of Dobu, should abate as the fury of a dog abates when it comes and sniffs at a new-comer.” The simile of the dog must be very strongly ingrained in the magical tradition, for in two more versions o

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II

II

The two gifts of the Kula are also distinct in time. It is quite obvious this must be so in the case of an overseas expedition of an uvalaku type, on which no valuables whatever are taken with them by the visiting party, and so, any valuable received on such an occasion, whether as vaga or yotile , cannot therefore be exchanged at the same time. But even when the exchange takes place in the same village during an inland Kula, there must be an interval between the two gifts, of a few minutes at l

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Kwoygapani Spell

Kwoygapani Spell

Kwega is a plant, probably belonging to the same family as betel pepper, and its leaves are chewed with areca-nut and lime, when real betel-pods ( mwayye ) are not available. The kwega is, remarkably enough, invoked in more than one magical formula, instead of the real betel-pod. The middle part is quite clear. In it, the seducing and enmeshing power of the kwega is cast over all the mental faculties of the Dobuan, and on the anatomical seats of these faculties. After the application of this mag

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I

I

But by far the most important of the articles which the Trobrianders collect for themselves are the spondylus shells. These are freely, though by no means easily, accessible in the coral outcrops of Sanaroa Lagoon. It is from this shell that the small circular perforated discs ( kaloma ) are made, out of which the necklaces of the Kula are composed, and which also serve for ornamenting almost all the articles of value or of artistic finish which are used within the Kula district. But, only in tw

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II

II

Working the Kaloma Shell (I.) The spondylus shell broken and made into roughly circular pieces by knocking all round; this is done by men. Working the Kaloma Shell (II.) Women grinding pieces of shell into flat discs. Each piece is inserted into a hole at the end of a wooden cylinder and ground on a flat sandstone.(See Div. III .) This spell the magician may utter once only, or he may repeat it several times on successive days. He fixes then the final date for the fishing expedition. On the even

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III

III

Working the Kaloma Shell (IV.) The shell discs, flat and perforated, but of irregular contour still, are now threaded on to a thin, tough stick, and in this form they are ground on a flat sandstone till the roll is cylindrical, that is, each disc is a perfect circle. (See Div. III .) This technology is associated with an interesting sociological relation between the maker and the man for whom the article is made. As has been stated in Chapter II , one of the main features of the Trobriand organi

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IV

IV

In the twelve preceding chapters, we have followed an expedition from Sinaketa to Dobu. But branching off at almost every step from its straight track, we studied the various associated institutions and underlying beliefs; we quoted magical formulæ, and told mythical stories, and thus we broke up the continuous thread of the narrative. In this chapter, as we are already acquainted with the customs, beliefs and institutions implied in the Kula, we are ready to follow a straight and consecutive ta

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I

I

When, in November, 1917, I passed through the district, the preparing of the canoes was already afoot. All of those, which still could be repaired, had been taken to pieces and were being relashed, recaulked and repainted. In some hamlets, new dug-outs were being scooped. After a few months stay in the Trobriands, I went South again in March, 1918, intending to spend some time in the Amphletts. Landing there is always difficult, as there are no anchorages near the shore, and it is quite impossib

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II

II

Some Canoes Moored on the Shallow Lagoon near the Shore. Dobuan Visitors in Sinaketa. Top picture: the Kula visitors and hosts sitting side by side on a house platform in Sinaketa. Bottom picture: to the right Tovasana, wearing a wig of pandanus fibre, holding his lime pot and spatula and ornamented with buna shell on his leg, sits with Kauyaporu (on the left), the chief of the Dobuans, on the platform of one of the Sinaketan chiefs. Note the aromatic herbs in Kauyaporu’s armlets. Within some tw

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III

III

1 See the Author’s Memoir, “The Natives of Mailu” in Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p. 598. ↑ In treating of the various customs and practices of the Kula, I had at every step to enter into the description of magical rites and into the analysis of spells. This had to be done, first of all, because magic looms paramount in the natives’ view of the Kula. Again, all magical formulæ disclose essentials of belief and illustrate typical ideas in a manner so thorough and tell

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I

I

The passions of hatred, envy, and jealousy, besides finding their expression in the all powerful sorcery of the bwaga’u and mulukwausi , are also responsible for many forms of witchery, known by the generic term of bulubwalata . The classical forms of this magic have as their object the estrangement of the affections of a wife or a sweetheart, or the destruction of the domestic attachment of a pig. The pig is sent away into the bush, having been made to take a dislike to its master and to its do

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II

II

We can start from the question of how the natives imagine their magic to have originated. If we would ask even the most intelligent informant some such concretely framed questions as: “Where has your magic been made? How do you imagine its invention?”—they would necessarily remain unanswered. Not even a warped and half-suggested reply would be forthcoming. Yet there is an answer to this question, or rather to its generalised equivalent. Examining the mythology of one form of magic after the othe

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III

III

This statement, expressing the belief in a very clear and direct manner, I had confirmed, reiterated with variations and amplifications, by ever so many informants. They all emphasise the fact that magic has its roots in tradition, that it is the most immutable and most valuable traditional item, that it cannot leak into human knowledge by any present human intercourse with spirits or with any non-human beings such as the tokway or tauva’u . The property of having been received from previous gen

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IV

IV

It may be noted that in almost all cases described, the substance harmed in the rite is not the final aim of the magic, but forms only a constituent part of the object in view or is an accessory of it, or an instrument used in its making. Thus the wayugo creeper, the kaybasi (caulking), the paint, the prow-boards , all these are constituent parts of the canoe, and the magic performed over them does not aim at giving them any qualities, but aims at imparting swiftness and lightness to the canoe o

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V

V

So far, we only spoke of the relation between spell and rite. The last point, however, brings us to the problem of the condition of the performer. His belly is a tabernacle of magical force. Such a privilege carries its dangers and obligations. It is clear that you cannot stuff foreign matter indiscriminately into a place, where extremely valuable possessions are kept. Food restrictions, therefore, become imperative. Many of them are directly determined by the contents of the spell. We saw some

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VI

VI

Closely connected with the questions discussed in the preceding division, is the subject of the systems of magic and the distinction between ‘systematic’ and ‘independent’ magical rites and formulæ. As we saw in the beginning of this chapter, the whole body of magic naturally falls into several big divisions, each of them corresponding to a department of nature, such as wind or weather; to some activity of man, such as gardening, fishing, hunting or warfare; or to some real or imaginary force, s

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VII

VII

I—First Stage of Canoe-Building ( Chapter V, Division II ) All the magic of this stage is canoe magic. It is performed only when a new canoe is built and not when an old one is renovated. The spells are uttered by the builder and not by the owner, except the first one. Work at this stage is done by one man mainly, the builder and carver, with the help of a few men; except for the pulling of the log, in which many men assist. II—The Second Stage of Canoe Building ( Chapter V, Division III ) III—T

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VIII

VIII

The other magicians and their art do not inspire such strong emotions in the natives, and of course in any case the emotion would not be that of dread. There is a very great value and attachment to systems of local magic, and their effects are distinctly considered as an asset for a community. Each form of magic also has its associated magical portent, kariyala . When a magic formula is spoken, a violent natural upheaval will take place. For example, when garden magic is performed, there will be

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IX

IX

We found that taboos are associated with magic, in so far as it is the magician who has to observe them. There are, however, certain forms of restrictions or prohibitions, set up for special purposes, and associated with magic in a somewhat different form. Thus, in an institution called kaytubutabu we find a ban made on the consumption of coco-nuts and betel-nuts, associated with a specific magic to make them grow. There is also a protective taboo, used to prevent the theft of ripening fruits or

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X

X

In order to complete the survey of all the characteristics of magic, I shall rapidly mention here the economic aspect of the position of magician, although the data referring to it have already been given, scattered through the previous chapters. I have spoken of the matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the deviations from it which consist in inheritance from father to son, and in the transmission of magic by purchase ( Chapter II, Division VI , and Chapter VI, Division VI under (5)). This l

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XI

XI

In all this, we have been dealing with general characteristics of Boyowan (Trobriand) magic. This has been done mainly on the basis of the material presented in this volume, with only a few examples from other branches of magic. The result so far can be set down thus: magic to the natives represents a special department; it is a specific power, essentially human, autonomous and independent in its action. This power is an inherent property of certain words, uttered with the performance of certain

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XII

XII

The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic analysis of two magical texts, and by a general survey of a greater number, what sort of words are believed to exercise magical power. This, of course, does not mean that we are under the delusion that the composers or inventors of magic had a theory about the efficiency of words, and carried this theory into practice by inventing the formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society, though not codified, can be found out by analys

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I

I

The following text is the wayugo spell, obtained from Layseta, the headman of Kopila, one of the sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary was obtained from himself, and from another informant, Motago’i, a man of exceptional intelligence, and a very straightforward and a reliable informant. This spell has been given in free translation before in Chapter V , and, as has been said there, the rite consists simply in chanting the words over five coils of the wayugo creeper put on a wooden platter bet

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II

II

2 2 Papapa, Flutter, siliubida, betel plant, monagakalava. leaving behind. 3 3 Tubugu Kalabotawosi, Grandfather Kalabotawosi, Tubugu Kwaysa’i, grandfather Kwaysa’i, Tubugu Pulupolu, grandfather Pulupolu, Tubugu Semkuku, grandfather Semkuku, Tubugu Kabatuwayaga, grandfather Kabatuwayaga, Tubugu Ugwaboda, grandfather Ugwaboda, Tubugu Kitava, grandfather Kitava, Bulumava’u Nawabudoga, new spirit Nawabudoga, kaykapwapu immediate predecessor Mogilawota. Mogilawota. 4 4 Kusilase You sit onikola, on ca

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III.

III.

The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much clearer and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. They are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, ‘the craft of the Kudayuri, ’ and to place the pandanus streamers on the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech, expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip. It must be noted that, according to the

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IV

IV

So much about the wayugo spell. I shall adduce now another spell of a somewhat different type, belonging to the mwasila (Kula magic). It is distinctly a more modern formula; there are hardly any archaic expressions; words are not used, as independent sentences each; on the whole it is easily understandable and has a consecutive meaning. A. U’ula (Initial Part) 1 1 Avayta’u Who netata’i cuts sulumwoyala the mint plant of Laba’i? Laba’i? Yaygu, I, Kwoyregu, Kwoyregu, sogu together with tamagu, my

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V

V

2 2 Silimwaynunuva, The roaring sulumwoya, inunuva; it roars; silimwayniku, the quaking sulumwoya iniku; it quakes; silimwayyega, the soughing sulumwoya, iyega; it soughs; silimwaypolu, the boiling sulumwoya, ipolu. it boils. B.—Tapwana (Main Part) 3 3 Ipolu, It boils, ipolu it boils, ipolu it boils … … agu my sulumwoya mint plant ipolu; it boils; agu my vana, herb ornaments, ipolu; it boils agu my kena lime spatula ipolu; it boils; agu my yaguma lime pot ipolu; it boils; agu my sinata comb ipol

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VI

VI

The first two words are compounds with prefixes and suffixes added for magical purposes, as a sort of magical trimming. The untranslatable word, said by the natives to be megwa wala (‘just magic’) is repeated several times in symmetry with the previous two words and then with the two suffixes; ancient and new. Such repetitions with prefixes or suffixes of antithetic meaning are a frequent feature of magical trimming of words. This exordium affords a clear example of the magical play on words, of

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VII

VII

These verbs are used in this spell with the prefix ma- or me- , which represents the tense of indefinite duration. This prefix, although, as far as I know, found in several Melanesian languages in full vigour, has in Kiriwina a distinctly archaic flavour, and is only used in certain locutions and in magic. Some of the verbs used in this spell are metaphorical in their meaning, describing the speed of the canoe in a figurative manner. The list of the complimentary words repeated with the key-word

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VIII

VIII

I have given so far a short linguistic survey of the canoe spells, dealing first with their initial parts, u’ula , then with their main parts, tapwana , and lastly saying a few words about the dogina . In a still more summary manner, I shall give a short survey of the mwasila (Kula magic) spells, quoted or mentioned in this book, beginning with the u’ula . In the Yawarapu spell ( Chapter VII ) we have the beginning:— Bu’a, bu’a, bovinaygau, vinaygu; bu’a, bu’a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu … Here the wo

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IX

IX

Gala bu’a, gala doga, gala mwayye … This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the play on the root mwase , described above in the free translation of this spell. Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, strongly marked accent is to be found in the Kaykakaya spell ( Chapter XIII ): Kaýtutúna íyanâ, márabwága iyanâ … Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative prefixing of a particle and with antithetic uses of word couples are to be found in several other spells. The Ta

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X

X

A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters of the kayga’u spells ( Chapter XI ) must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to their tapwana . The word gwa’u or ga’u means ‘mist’ or ‘fog’; verbally used with the meaning ‘to make mist’ ‘to befog,’ it has always the form ga’u . In the main parts of some of the formulæ of this class, this phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound effect. For example in the giyorokaywa spell No. 1, the key-words are aga’u (‘I befog’),

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XI

XI

The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevolent fish is summoned to the rescue of the drowning party has the key-phrase ‘ bigabaygu suyusayu : the suyusayu fish shall lift me up.’ This expression is noteworthy: even in this spell, which might be regarded as an invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the second person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the spell is to act through the direct force of the words and not as an appeal to the animal. With th

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XII

XII

If we now turn to the substances used in the magical rites, as means of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe magic, dried lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all used in the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry away the heaviness of the canoe; although on another occasion heaviness is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or three shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their skin after bathing, are used f

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XIII

XIII

I wish to close this chapter by adducing a few texts of native information. In the previous chapters, several statements and narratives have been put into the natives’ mouths and given in quotations. I wish now to show some of the actual linguistic data from which such quotations have been derived. Numerous utterances of the natives were taken down by me as they were spoken. Whenever there was a native expression covering a point of crucial importance, or a characteristic thought, or one neatly

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XIV

XIV

I shall give here first a text on the subject of the priority in sailing, which as described in Chapter IX , is the privilege of a certain sub-clan in Sinaketa. I was discussing with a very good informant, Toybayoba of Sinaketa, the customs of launching the canoes, and I tried, as usually, to keep my interlocutor as much as possible to concrete details and to the stating of the full sequence of events. In his account he uttered this sentence: “The Tolabwaga launch their canoe first; by this the

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XV

XV

2 2 Igau Later on kumaydona all gweguya, chiefs, tokay commoner siwaga their canoe ikapusisi they fall down (are launched) oluvyeki. behind. 3 3 Kidama Supposing takapusi we fall down, takugwo we are first bitavilidasi they might turn (on) us baloma; spirits; bitana we might go Dobu, Dobu, gala no tabani we find bunukwa pig soulava. necklace. 4 4 Makawala Alike yuwayoulo: (lashing creeper) bikugwo he (it) might be first isipusi they bind siwayugo, their wayugo lashing, iga’u later on yakidasi. o

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XVI

XVI

Another sample of a native text may be given here, as it is of especial interest, in that it throws light upon the previously given magical formula of the wayugo . It is the text I obtained trying to find the meaning of the word bosisi’ula , which figures at the beginning of the above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa, the word visisi’una refers to the belief already described, that the owner of a wayugo charm is liable to fits of trembling, during which he trembles as a b

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XVII

XVII

Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said:— “ Ivisisi’una — bigabu, tomwaya ikam .” “Ivisisi’una — he bake, old man he eat.” The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term, which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an appropriate English expression. A.—First Informant. 1 1 Pela For isewo he learn wayugo, wayugo, (the creeper magic) itatatuva he (it) tremble wowola body his matauna, this (man), (who) isa’u ( or isewo) he learn wayugo. wayu

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Explanation of Word Visisi’una

Explanation of Word Visisi’una

2 2 “Nanakwa, “Quick, kugabu thou bake kusayki, thou give tomwaya old man (magician) ivisisi’una he ritually eats, boge already itatatuva he tremble kana his bisila, pandanus streamer, kana his wayugo.” wayugo creeper.” B.—Second Informant. 3 3 Tayta (If) one (man) isewo he learn bisila, bisila, gala not bikam he might eat yena, fish, boge already itatuva he tremble wowola. body his. Free Translation. (A.) 1. The body of a man who has learned the wayuga spell, trembles, because he learned the

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Gwara in Dobu and the Ka’ubana’i Magic

Gwara in Dobu and the Ka’ubana’i Magic

2 2 Gala No ka’ubana’i, ka’ubana’i, takokola: we fright: ikawoyse they take (put on) bowa war paints kayyala, spear, kema; axe; isisuse they sit biginayda they might look at us. 3 3 Batana We go ovalu in village tasakaulo, we run, gala no tanouno we walk. batawa we might arrive tamwoyne we (i.d.) climb bu’a. areca. 4 4 Idou: He cries “E! “E! Gala No bukumwoyne thou mightst climb bu’a.” areca.” 5 5 Bogwe Already ika’u he take kayyala, spear, mwada mayhap biwoyda. he might hit us. 6 6 Tapula We ri

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I

I

On that occasion in Sinaketa, I met him again after about two years interval since the time when I lived as his neighbour in Omarakana for some eight months, my tent pitched side by side with his lisiga (chief’s man’s abode). I found him changed and aged, his tall figure more bent, his large face, with its expression half of benevolence and half of cunning, wrinkled and clouded over. He had some grievances to tell about the offhand treatment which had been given to him in Sinaketa, where he had

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II

II

Armshells Brought from Kitava. The personal share of To’uluwa from the haul of armshells brought to Omarakana in October in October, 1915. (See Div. III .) Bringing in a Soulava. The party, the second man blowing the conch shell and the leader carrying the necklace on a stick, approach the chief’s house. (See Div. III .) Offering the Soulava. The necklace is thrust on its stick into the chief’s house. Both this plate and the foregoing one represent an act of purely domestic Kula, one of the sons

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III

III

It was in connection with the same expedition that the little exchange between two of the chief’s wives took place, mentioned before (in Chapter XI, Division II , under 4) and one or two more domestic Kula acts were performed, a son of To’uluwa offering him a necklace (see Plates LXI and LXII ) and receiving a pair of armshells afterwards. Many more transactions took place in those two days or so; sounds of conch shells were heard on all sides as they were blown first in the village from which t

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IV

IV

Another such place of concentration is the island of Tubetube, and I think one or two places in Woodlark Island, where the village of Yanabwa is said to be an independent link in the chain, through which every article has to pass. But this brings us already to the Eastern Kula, which will form the subject of the next chapter. 1 An example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be found even in a book written by an exceptionally well-informed and enlightened missionary, “In Far New Gui

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I

I

As to the manner in which the trade was done between the Kiriwinians and Kitavans, all that has been said previously on the subject of inter-tribal trade holds good; part of the goods carried were given as presents, part of them were exchanged with non-partners, some were gifts received from the partners on leaving. Returning to To’ulawa and his companions, as time went on there was more and more stir in the villages. As usually, all sorts of ambitious plans were framed, and the youthful members

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II

II

The other members of the audience were most interested in his accounts of how they make gardens in Kitava, Iwa and Gawa; of the special dances performed there, of the technicalities of Kula, and of the great efficiency of the Iwan love magic. At that time, I was able to obtain more information about the Kula, and that more easily and in a shorter while, than I had, with strenuous efforts, for months before. It is by taking advantage of such epochs, when the interest of the natives is centred rou

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III

III

It will be noted that the supreme chief’s name would be uttered when his and his companion’s share is allotted. With the shares of men of less importance, the name of the village is called out. As on all such occasions, the strangers do not eat their food in public, and even its re-distribution is done in the privacy of their camping place near the canoe. After the distribution of the food, and of course before this is taken away by the parties, the master of the so’i goes into his house and tak

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I

I

From Kitava Eastward as far as Tubetube, a different type of canoe was used, the nagega , mentioned already in Chapter V, Division IV . As we saw there, it was very much the same in principles of construction as the Trobriand canoe, but it was bigger, of a greater carrying capacity, and more seaworthy. It was at the same time slower, but had one great advantage over the swifter counterpart; having more waterboard, it made less leeway in its sailing, and could be sailed against the wind. It would

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II

II

One such offshoot of the Kula ring we met in the Trobriands, to wit, the expeditions from the Western village of Kavataria, and from the island of Kayleula, to the Koya of Fergusson and Goodenough. We shall begin with a brief account of these expeditions. 6 The preparations are very much the same, as in Sinaketa. The canoes are built with more or less the same magic (cf. Chapter V ), they are launched ceremonially and the trial run, the tasasoria , also takes place ( Chapter VI ). The island of

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III

III

The following transaction, the main trade, is carried on as gimwali . The natives of the Koya would bring the sago, or the betel-nut, put it on the beach near the canoes and say: “I want a beku (ceremonial axe blade).” And here my informants were positive that real bargaining would take place. “If they give us an insufficient quantity, we expostulate, then they bring another portion. They would go to the village, fetch some more goods, return and give it to us . If it is enough, we give him the

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IV

IV

Let us follow the ring of the Kula, noticing its commercial side tracks, of which so far we only described the trading routes of Kavataria and Kayleula. To the Eastward, the section from Kitava to Woodlark Island is the one big portion of the Kula from which no lateral offshoots issue, and on which all the trade follows the same routes as the Kula. The other branch, of which I have got a good knowledge, that from the Trobriands to Dobu, has the commercial relations of which I have just spoken. T

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V

V

But here we have come to an end of all the descriptive data referring to the Kula, and some general remarks which I have to make upon it, will be reserved for the next and last chapter. 1 Seligman. Op. cit ., p. 524. ↑ 2 Op. cit ., p. 538. ↑ 3 Ibid . ↑ 4 Cf. Op. cit ., pp. 536–537. ↑ 5 I cannot follow Professor Seligman in his use of the word currency , which is not very clearly defined by him. This word can be correctly applied to the armshells, spondylus discs, big polished blades of green

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Chapter XXII The Meaning of the Kula

Chapter XXII The Meaning of the Kula

Thus, when a malignant spirit, tauva’u (see Chapter II, Division VII ) is found in or near the village in the shape of a snake or a land crab, some vaygu’a is put before it ceremonially and this is not done so much in order to bribe the spirit sacrificially by a gift as rather to exercise a direct action on his mind, and to make it benevolent. In the annual festive and dancing period, the milamala , the spirits return to their villages. The Kula valuables at that time in the hands of the communi

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Corrections

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