The History And Antiquities Of The Doric Race
Karl Otfried Müller
52 chapters
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52 chapters
Extract From The Translators' Preface To The First Edition.
Extract From The Translators' Preface To The First Edition.
The History, of which an English translation is now offered to the public, forms the second and third volumes of a work by Professor C. O. Müller, entitled, “Histories of Greek Tribes and Cities.” The first volume of this series was published separately under the name of “Orchomenos and the Minyæ;” and contains a most learned examination of the mythology and early history of Orchomenos and other towns of Bœotia, and of the migrations of the Minyæ, together with other questions more or less conne
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Advertisement To The Second Edition.
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1. The Dorians derived their origin from those districts in which the Grecian nation bordered towards the north upon numerous and dissimilar races of barbarians. As to the tribes which dwelt beyond these boundaries we are indeed wholly destitute of information; nor is there the slightest trace of any memorial or tradition that the Greeks originally came from those quarters. On these frontiers, however, the events took place which effected an entire alteration in the internal condition of the who
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Introduction.
Introduction.
4. The Thessalians , as well as the Macedonians, were, as it appears, an Illyrian race, who subdued a native Greek population; but in this case the body of the interlopers was smaller, while the numbers and civilization of the aboriginal inhabitants were considerable. Hence the Thessalians resembled the Greeks more than any of the northern races with which they were connected: hence their language in particular was almost purely Grecian, and indeed bore perhaps a greater affinity to the language
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Chapter I.
Chapter I.
2. The mountain-valley, which in later times bore the name of Thessaly, was bounded to the west by Pindus, to the south by Othrys, to the east by Pelion and Ossa, and to the north by Olympus, under which name the ancient writers, for example Herodotus, also include the chain which in after-times (probably from an Illyrian word) 63 was called the Cambunian mount. The course of the Peneus is so situated as to divide the open plain to the south, the ancient Pelasgic Argos, from the mountainous dist
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Chapter II.
Chapter II.
2. Mount Œta stretches in a westerly direction for the length of 200 stadia towards the Malian bay, which it reaches at Thermopylæ. It separates Doris, Phocis, and the Epicnemidian Locrians from the valley of the Spercheus. The passes connected with it are, first, the one just mentioned: secondly, another from Phocis to the rocky glen of Trachinia; 138 and, lastly, that of Thermopylæ, together with the upper path, made famous by the battle with the Persians. The pass of Thermopylæ is formed on o
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Chapter III.
Chapter III.
A severer criticism enjoins us to trace the mythical narrative to its centre, and attempt to ascertain whether the sovereign race of the Dorians did really spring from the early sovereigns of Mycenæ; such being not only the epic account, but also the tradition countenanced in Sparta itself. Tyrtæus said, in his poem called the Eunomia, “ Zeus himself gave this territory (Laconia) to the race of Hercules; united with whom we (the Dorians) left the stormy Erineus, and reached the wide island of Pe
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Chapter IV.
Chapter IV.
3. Laconia is formed by two mountain-chains running immediately from Arcadia, and enclosing the river Eurotas, whose source is separated from that of an Arcadian stream by a very trifling elevation. The Eurotas is, for some way below the city of Sparta, a rapid mountain-stream; then, after forming a cascade, it stagnates into a morass; but lower down it passes over a firm soil in a gentle and direct course. 254 Near the town of Sparta rocks and hills approach the banks on both sides, and almost
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Chapter V.
Chapter V.
2. The further extension of the Doric power is, however, attributed not to Temenus, but to his sons; for such the Doric tradition calls Ceisus, Cerynes, Phalces, and Agræus or Agæus. 291 Of these, Ceisus is represented to have governed at Argos, and Phalces to have gone to Sicyon . The ancient Meconè or Sicyon had in early times been in the power of the Ionians, and afterwards subject to the Achæans of Argos. The very copious mythology of this ancient city contains symbolical and historical elem
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Chapter VI.
Chapter VI.
The Dorians on the south-western coast of Asia Minor derived their origin, according to Herodotus, 388 from Peloponnesus. And indeed they were generally considered a colony of Argos 389 (from which state Strabo derives Rhodes, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Cos), led by princes of the Heraclidæ, from whom the noble families of Rhodes—for example, the Eratidæ or Diagoridæ at Ialysus—claimed to be descended. 390 This emigration was considered contemporary, and as having some connexion with the expedit
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Chapter VII.
Chapter VII.
3. There were also at Lacedæmon public registers, in which Plutarch found mention of the daughters of Agesilaus; 537 and in those of the earliest times the same author discovered the Pythian oracle concerning Lycurgus, 538 the same that Herodotus refers to in his first book. These doubtless contained the names of all the kings, and probably also the years of their reigns, as far back as Procles, who, according to a statement noticed above, died one year before his brother Eurysthenes. 539 This f
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Chapter VIII.
Chapter VIII.
3. The Corinthian tyrants 701 were nearly allied with those of Sicyon; since the former, not belonging to the Doric nobility, were placed in the same situation as the latter with regard to this class. In Corinth, before the commencement of the dynasty of tyrants, the ruling power was held by the numerous 702 Heraclide clan of the Bacchiadæ, which had changed the original constitution into an oligarchy, by keeping itself distinct, in the manner of a caste, from all other families, and alone furni
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Chapter IX.
Chapter IX.
2. The supremacy of Sparta 775 was exercised in the expeditions of the whole confederacy, and in transactions of the same nature. In the first, a Spartan king—after it had been thought proper never to send out two together—was commander-in-chief, in whose powers there were many remains of the authority of the ancient Homeric princes. Occasionally, however, Sparta was compelled to give up her privilege to other commanders, especially at sea, as, for instance, the fleet at Salamis to Eurybiades. W
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Chapter I.
Chapter I.
2. The most ancient settlements of the Doric race, of which any historical accounts are extant, were, as we before ascertained, 862 the country at the foot of Olympus and Ossa, near the valley of Tempe . In this district there were two sanctuaries, bearing the character of the highest antiquity, viz., the Pythium, on the ridge of Olympus, near a steep mountain-pass leading to Macedonia; and the altar in the ravine of the Peneus, 863 from which the god himself was called Τεμπείτας; and in an insc
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Chapter II.
Chapter II.
We shall first advert to those settlements which (taking the coast of Crete as our centre) were founded in the direction of Lycia , Miletus , Claros , and the Troad ; the first and last of which were the most ancient, the others being perhaps a century later. 918 2. It is stated by Herodotus that Sarpedon migrated with some barbarous nations from Crete to Lycia or Milyas. 919 This unsupported and singular account is however probably not founded on tradition, the popular idea being that he was a
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Chapter III.
Chapter III.
The name of the Delphian god had now attained throughout Peloponnesus the universal respect which it so long enjoyed: it had even led the way to the settlement and conquest of that peninsula, and hence Apollo was called by the Dorians their leader and founder . 1077 It was not till a later period that the kings of Messenia (who upon the whole adhered less strictly to the Doric customs than the Spartans) entered into a connexion with the sanctuary at Delos, which had then already fallen into the
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Chapter IV.
Chapter IV.
Alcæus, 1154 in a hymn to Apollo, related how “Zeus adorned the new-born god with a golden fillet and lyre, and sent him, in a chariot drawn by swans, to Delphi, in order to introduce justice and law amongst the Greeks. Apollo, however, ordered the swans first to fly to the Hyperboreans. The Delphians, missing the god, instituted a pæan and song, ranged choruses of young men around the tripod, and invoked him to come from the Hyperboreans. The god remained an entire year with that nation, and at
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Chapter V.
Chapter V.
3. It should also be observed that Apollo and Æsculapius were connected in fable and mythology; and this at an early period, for Hesiod called Æsculapius the son of Apollo; 1199 but, as it appears, only in mythology, and not in any religious worship. Thus neither at Tricca, Lebadea, Epidaurus, nor Cos, were Apollo Pæan and Æsculapius intimately connected; nor do we ever find that they had altars, festivals, or sacrifices in common, except perhaps in a temple at the modern town of Megalopolis. 12
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Chapter VI.
Chapter VI.
It is remarkable how seriously Homer (who otherwise speaks of the gods, and particularly of those friendly to Troy, with some levity of expression) 1225 describes the character of Apollo. He is never represented as hurried on by blind fury. He never opposes the Greeks without reason, or through caprice, but only when they disregard the sacred rights of priests and suppliants, or assume an unusual degree of arrogance. But when the gods separate into two bodies, and descend to the contest, he, unm
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Chapter VII.
Chapter VII.
2. The legend of the birth of Apollo at Delos was indeed recognised by the Ionians and Athenians, but neither by the Delphians, Bœotians, nor Peloponnesians; 1299 as is plain from the indifference which they generally showed for the temple in that island. We also know that the Bœotians represented Tegyra as the birthplace of Apollo. Apollo, says Pindar, was born with time; 1300 —alluding to the many obstacles and delays experienced at his birth. These had been occasioned by the influence of an h
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Chapter VIII.
Chapter VIII.
2. The above offerings doubtless express the existence of a pure and filial relation, like that in which the Hyperboreans stood to Apollo; it being quite sufficient for persons in so innocent a state to give a constant acknowledgment of the benevolence and power with which the god defends and preserves them. But as the pure deity was himself supposed to be stained with blood, so might the minds of his worshippers become tainted with sin, and lose their internal quiet. When in this state, being a
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Chapter IX.
Chapter IX.
But, it may be asked, if this Artemis always has the same characteristics as Apollo, and has none that are peculiar to herself, why should there be two deities to express one idea? Wherefore both a male and female, if neither have any relation to sex? It is difficult to give a satisfactory answer to these questions. This consideration may, however, in some measure assist; namely, that as soon as Apollo was once supposed to be as an earthly god, as the ideal of all human strength, it was necessar
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Chapter X.
Chapter X.
2. In Argolis also the worship of Athene was of great antiquity, and enjoyed almost equal honours with that of Here; her temple was on the height of Larissa: and doubtless she had the same character and origin as the Athene Chalciœcus of Sparta. 1653 Their names were in both places nearly the same, as at Sparta she was called Ὀπτιλέτις, 1654 and in Argolis Ὀξυδέρκης, the quick-sighted ; 1655 and though in both places the names were explained from historical events, it seems more accurate to comp
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Chapter XI.
Chapter XI.
The situation of this “well-fortified” 1726 Œchalia is an ancient subject of controversy. There were three places of this name; one on the banks of the Peneus in Thessaly, in the ancient country of the Lapithæ, between Pelinna to the east and Tricca to the west, not far from Ithome: 1727 another in the island of Eubœa, in the district of Eretria. 1728 The third was a town in Messenia, which in latter times was called Carnasium, upon the boundary of Arcadia; 1729 in which region there was also a
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Chapter XII.
Chapter XII.
Nemea was separated from the Argive temple of Here, the most ancient one in the country, by a chain of mountains and a long rocky ravine. It cannot be denied that the moon was often invoked in this worship, although it would not be safe to consider Here as the goddess of the moon. Now Nemea is called the daughter of the moon, 1816 from which deity the Nemean lion is also said to have sprung; the antiquity of which fable may be inferred from the circumstance that Anaxagoras availed himself of it,
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Appendix I.
Appendix I.
1. In the Thermaic bay, the modern gulf of Salonichi , three rivers of considerable size fall into the sea at very short distances from one another, but which meet in this place in very different directions. The largest of the three comes from the north-west, and is now called (as indeed it was in the time of Tzetzes and Anna Comnena) the Bardares (or Vardar ), and was in ancient days celebrated under the name of Axius. Its stream is increased by large tributary branches on both sides, and chief
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Appendix II. Genealogy of Hellen.
Appendix II. Genealogy of Hellen.
Prometheus and Pandora had Deucalion. Deucalion and Pyrrha had Hellen. Hellen had Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus. Xuthus had Achæus and Ion.] Now the passage of Hesiod only mentions the three brothers, Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus, without naming the sons of Xuthus; but it is evident that in this series Xuthus must also represent some race or races; and since no tribe ever bore the title of Xuthi , this name must have been used by Hesiod to signify the Ionians and Achaæns, as in Apollodorus, and other wri
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Appendix III. The migration of the Dorians to Crete.
Appendix III. The migration of the Dorians to Crete.
But in retaining his conviction respecting a Doric settlement in Crete before the migration of the Heraclidæ, and in viewing it as the only means of explaining many facts in the religious and political history of the Greeks, the Author does not imply that this Doric colony was exactly similar to a later migration of Dorians from Argos and Sparta. The condition of the Dorians in Hestiæotis must have been very different from that to which the same race attained in Peloponnesus. The mixture with ot
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Appendix IV. History of the Greek congress or synedrion during the Persian war.
Appendix IV. History of the Greek congress or synedrion during the Persian war.
3. In this narrative taken from Herodotus there still remains one contradiction, viz., that if the Greeks did not assemble till after they had refused earth and water (as appears from VII. 138. cf. 145.), the Argives had no longer any option whether they would join the league or not. Likewise the dismission of the Greek envoys would fall too late in the unfavourable season for sailing, and there would scarcely be time for the messages to the oracles (c. 148, 169.), and the other proceedings. It
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Chapter I.
Chapter I.
1. Before we speak of the form of government which prevailed in the Doric states, it will be necessary to set aside all modern ideas respecting the origin, essence, and object of a state; namely, that it is an institution for protecting the persons and property of the individuals contained in it. We shall approach nearer to the ancient notion, if we consider the essence of a state to be, that by a recognition of the same opinions and principles, and the direction of actions to the same ends, the
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Chapter II.
Chapter II.
We have already 63 taken notice of another division of Laconia besides that into towns, and shown that the Periœci of this country had formerly dwelt in five districts, of which the chief towns were Amyclæ, Las, Epidaurus Limera (or else Gytheium), Ægys, and Pharis; as also Messenia, in addition to the territory round the city inhabited by Dorians, contained four provinces—viz., Pylos, Rhium, Mesola, and Hyamia. For what length of time these districts were retained, and what relation they bore t
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Chapter III.
Chapter III.
In speaking of the condition of the Helots, we will consider their political rights and their personal treatment under separate heads, though in fact the two subjects are very nearly connected. The first were doubtless exactly defined by law and custom, though the expressions made use of by ancient authors are frequently vague and ambiguous. “They were,” says Ephorus, 110 “in a certain point of view public slaves. Their possessor could neither liberate them, nor sell them beyond the borders.” Fr
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Chapter IV.
Chapter IV.
Perhaps, however, there was no Grecian state in which the dependent classes were so little oppressed as in Crete. In general, every employment and profession, with the exception of the gymnasia and military service, was permitted to them. 211 Hence also the Periœci held so firmly to the ancient legislation of Minos, that they even then observed it, when it had been neglected by the Dorians of the town of Lyctus; 212 and thus, as was frequently the case elsewhere, in the decline of public manners
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Chapter V.
Chapter V.
In every Doric state there were three tribes, Hylleis, Dymanes (or Dymanatæ), and Pamphyli. This threefold division belonged so peculiarly to the nation that even Homer called it “the thrice-divided” τριχάϊκες, which ancient epithet is correctly explained in a verse of Hesiod, as implying the division of the territory among the people. 294 Hence in the ancient fable which this poet has expressed in an epic poem, three sons of the ancient Doric king Ægimius were mentioned, namely, Dyman, Pamphylu
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Chapter VI.
Chapter VI.
2. When they had passed through this ordeal they were for ever relieved from all further scrutiny, and were trusted to their own conscience. 389 They were subject to no responsibility, since it was thought that the near prospect of death would give them more moderation, 390 than the fear of incurring at the cessation of their office the displeasure of the community; to whom in other states the power of calling the highest officers to account was intrusted. The spirit of this aristocratic institu
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Chapter VII.
Chapter VII.
The ephoralty, however, considered as an office opposed to the kings and to the council, is not for this reason an institution less peculiar to the Spartans; and in no Doric, nor even in any Grecian state, is there any thing which exactly corresponds with it. It is evident, therefore, that it must have gradually obtained this peculiar character by causes which operated upon the Lacedæmonian state alone. Hence it appears, that the supposed expression of Theopompus referred rather to the powers of
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Chapter VIII.
Chapter VIII.
This assertion is confirmed by whatever knowledge we have of the powers of the cosmi, which indeed chiefly regards their influence in foreign affairs. They were commanders in war, like the kings of Sparta. 570 They conducted the negotiations with foreign ambassadors (although these last sometimes spoke before the public assembly); and they affixed their official name to the treaties, as well as to all decrees of the state. 571 They provided for the ambassadors during their residence, 572 and pre
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Chapter IX.
Chapter IX.
When, during the peace of Artaxerxes, the Lacedæmonians had ceased to possess any extensive share in the direction of public affairs in Peloponnesus, a spirit of ungovernable licentiousness and ochlocracy arose in those cities which had hitherto been under an oligarchical rule; everywhere there were vexatious accusations, banishments, and confiscations of property, especially of the property of such persons as had filled public offices under the guidance of Sparta, though, even during that perio
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Chapter X.
Chapter X.
2. Although similar partitions of land had perhaps been made from the time of the first occupation of Laconia by the Dorians, the later division into 9000 lots cannot have taken place before the end of the first Messenian war. 881 There is something very remarkable in the historical account, that Tyrtæus by means of his poem of Eunomia repressed the desire of many citizens for a redivision of the lands. 882 It may be explained by supposing that the Spartans, who before that time had possessed al
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Chapter XI.
Chapter XI.
2. The courts of justice in Sparta have already been spoken of in several places. 1025 The Gerusia decided all criminal causes, together with most others which affected the conduct of the citizens; the other jurisdiction was divided among the magistrates according to the branches of their administration. 1026 The ephors decided all disputes concerning money and property, as well as in accusations against responsible officers, provided they were not of a criminal nature; the kings decided in caus
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Chapter XII.
Chapter XII.
Every Spartan was, if he had sufficient strength, bound to defend his country in expeditions without the boundaries during the years that were designated by the name ἡλικία. 1093 This period lasted to the fortieth year from manhood (ἀφ᾽ ἥβης), that is to say, to the sixtieth year from birth: 1094 until that time a man was called ἔμφρουρος (from φρουρὰ), and could not go out of the country without permission from the authorities. 1095 Of these, the younger men were sometimes sent abroad; but thos
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Chapter I.
Chapter I.
3. The principles of Lycurgus, however, we repeat did not in the least degree retard the progress of real architecture. Indeed we know that in the embellishment of their sacred edifices the Dorians employed a style of building which they themselves invented, from the strict principles of which they never deviated, and which at the same time they took the utmost care to bring to perfection. That they were in strictness the original inventors of this style of architecture has been first satisfacto
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Chapter II.
Chapter II.
2. In the first place these words direct our attention to the different modes of life of the married and unmarried women among the Dorians. Modern manners, derived from the age of chivalry, carefully withdraw young women from all impressions calculated to inflame the passions; while married women are more exposed to intercourse with men. But, according to the colder notions of the Greeks, which are seen most clearly among the Dorians, the unmarried lived more in public than the married women; wh
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Chapter III.
Chapter III.
2. With regard to the food, it is probable that in Sparta much had been retained from ancient usage, and that the rest had been from its first origin peculiar to the nation. The profession of cook at Sparta was, as we have already remarked, hereditary, 1308 and consequently they had no inducement to vie with one another in the delicacy and luxury of their dishes: they cooked the black broth, as their ancestors had done before them. It was likewise more difficult to make dishes of various ingredi
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Chapter IV.
Chapter IV.
2. Two things were, however, requisite as an introduction and preparation to marriage at Sparta, first, betrothing on the part of the father; 1352 secondly, the seizure of the bride. The latter was clearly an ancient national custom, founded on the idea that the young woman could not surrender her freedom and virgin purity unless compelled by the violence of the stronger sex. They married, says Plutarch, by ravishing. The bridegroom brought the young virgin, having carried her off from the choru
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Chapter V.
Chapter V.
2. From the twelfth year 1426 upwards, the education of boys was much more strict. About the age of sixteen or seventeen they were called σιδεῦναι. 1427 At the expiration of his eighteenth year, the youth emerged from childhood, the first years of this new rank being distinguished by separate terms. 1428 During the progress from the condition of an ephebus to manhood, the young Spartans were called Sphæreis , 1429 probably because their chief exercise was foot-ball, which game was carried on wit
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Chapter VI.
Chapter VI.
2. Allowing then the truth of these premises, it follows that the Dorians of Peloponnesus, the genuine Greeks, cultivated music to a greater degree than any other of the Grecian tribes, before the time when this far-famed school of Asia flourished. We are warranted in assuming that it was not merely the external influence of the Doric race which gave their name to this mode, from the close affinity it bears to the character of the nation. The ancients, who were infinitely quicker in discovering
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Chapter VII.
Chapter VII.
The ancient comedy of Susarion, and of the Megarians, was (as is clear from the passage of Ecphantides) founded on a dramatic principle; although a species of lyric poetry, also called comedy, had existed from an early period among the Dorians and Æolians; 1639 nor can I admit the opinion of Aristotle, that Epicharmus and Phormis were the first who wrote a comedy with a plot or story; previously to those poets, only some extempore and abusive speeches (ἰαμβίζειν) were, according to his view of t
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Chapter VIII.
Chapter VIII.
2. But instead of the pointed and logical reasoning, and the fervid declamation of the Athenians, the Doric race had a peculiar manner of expressing itself, viz. by apophthegms, and sententious and concise sayings. The object appears to have been, to convey as much meaning in as few words as possible, and to allude to, rather than express, the thoughts of the speaker. A habit of mind which might fit its possessor for such a mode of speaking, would best be generated by long and unbroken silence ;
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Chapter IX.
Chapter IX.
2. Having now so fully investigated the manners and daily occupations of the Dorians, it would be interesting to know what were their opinions on death, or on the existence of a future state; but on these points there is no information to be gleaned from ancient writers. Nor can much more be said on their funeral ceremonies, if indeed they had any rites peculiar and universally belonging to the whole race. At Tarentum, the dead were, according to an ancient oracle, called the majority (οἱ πλείον
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Appendix V. On the Doric Dialect.
Appendix V. On the Doric Dialect.
2. These remarks are merely premised in order to point out the authorities upon which all investigations into the form of the most ancient language of the Greeks should be founded. We have already intimated our dissent from those who, in opposition to Pausanias, 1912 suppose the Doric to have been the native dialect of Peloponnesus, not only disallowing the claim of the Dorians to its introduction, but even denying that they were the first to adopt it. This supposition would leave us without any
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Appendix VI. Chronological Tables.
Appendix VI. Chronological Tables.
War with the Dryopians and transportation of this nation to Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. § 4. b. II. ch. 3. § 3. Cretan sovereignty of the sea; Cretans in Crisa, Lycia and the Troad, b. II. ch. 1. § 6. ch. 2. § 2, 3. Worship of Apollo in Bœotia; origin of the Theban traditions respecting Hercules, b. II. ch. 3. § 2. ch. 2. § 7. Introduction of the mythology of Hercules into Attica by the Ionians. Institution of the Pythian Theoriæ, b. II. ch. 3. § 14. Cretans in Megara and Attica. Connection of the relig
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Additions And Corrections.
Additions And Corrections.
P. 127. l. 25. for all its colonies read all its early colonies. P. 209. notes, col. 2. l. 10. for Platæon read Platæan. P. 212. notes, col. 2. l. 10. for εἰρένης, read εἰρήνης. P. 252 note t add—The emendation of Dobree, Adv. vol. I. p. 599. of ἐρασταὶ for ἱερεῖς is not needed, since it is proved that the leap from the Leucadian rock was originally a religious rite. P. 384. note c add—The identification of Artemis with the moon is earlier than that of Apollo with the sun (B. II. ch. 5. § 5.) Th
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