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ORDEAL BY BATTLE
ORDEAL BY BATTLE
BY FREDERICK SCOTT OLIVER With that they looked upon him, and began to reply in this sort: SIMPLE said, I see no danger ; SLOTH said, Yet a little more sleep ; and PRESUMPTION said, Every Vat must stand upon his own bottom . And so they lay down to sleep again, and CHRISTIAN went on his way. The Pilgrim's Progress . MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 1915 COPYRIGHT TO THE MEMORY OF HUGH DAWNAY COMMANDING THE 2ND LIFE GUARDS WHO WAS KILLED AT ZWARTELEEN ON THE 6TH OF NOVEMBER
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PREFACE
PREFACE
It is hardly necessary to plead, in extenuation of those many faults which any impartial reader will discover in the following pages, the impossibility of discussing events which are unfolding themselves around us, in the same detached spirit as if we were dealing with past history. The greater part of this volume has been written in haste, and no one is more alive to its shortcomings than the author himself. Faults of style are a small matter, and will be easily forgiven. It has not been the ai
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CHAPTER I PEACE AND WAR
CHAPTER I PEACE AND WAR
It is a considerable number of years since the most distinguished Tory statesman of his time impressed upon his fellow-countrymen as a maxim of policy, that Peace is the greatest of British interests . There was an unexpectedness about Lord Salisbury's words, coming as they did from the leader of a party which had hitherto lain under suspicion of jingoism, which gave the phrase almost the colour of an epigram. The truth of the saying, however, gradually became manifest to all men; and thereupon
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CHAPTER II THE OUTBREAK OF WAR
CHAPTER II THE OUTBREAK OF WAR
When war came, it came suddenly. A man who had happened to fall sick of a fever on St. Swithin's day 1914, but was so far on the way to convalescence four weeks later as to desire news of the outside world, must have been altogether incredulous of the tidings which first greeted his ears. When he fell ill the nations were at peace. The townspeople of Europe were in a holiday humour, packing their trunks and portmanteaus for 'land travel or sea-faring.' The country people were getting in their ha
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CHAPTER III WHO WANTED WAR?
CHAPTER III WHO WANTED WAR?
Such is the chronological order of events; but on the face of it, it explains little of the underlying causes of this conflagration. Why with the single exception of Italy had all the great naval and military powers of Europe, together with several smaller nations, suddenly plunged into war? Which of the combatants wanted war? ... To the latter question the answer can be given at once and with certainty—save Germany and Austria no nation wanted war, and even Germany and Austria did not want this
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CHAPTER IV THE PENALTY OF NEGLIGENCE
CHAPTER IV THE PENALTY OF NEGLIGENCE
The East has been drawn into the circle of this war as well as the West, the New World as well as the Old; nor can any man feel certain, or even hopeful, that the conflagration will be content to burn itself out where it is now raging, and will not spread across further boundaries.... It is therefore no matter of surprise that people should be asking themselves—"Of what nature is this war? Is it one of those calamities, like earthquake or tempest, drought or flood, which lawyers describe as 'the
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CHAPTER V PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY
CHAPTER V PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY
Although in a technical sense the present war was brought on by Austrian diplomacy, no one, in England at least, is inclined to rate the moral responsibility of that empire at the highest figure. It is in Germany that we find, or imagine ourselves to have found, not only the true and deep-seated causes of the war, but the immediate occasions of it. Not the least of our difficulties, however, is to decide the point—Who is Germany? Who was her man of business? Who acted for her in the matter of th
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CHAPTER VI GERMAN MISCALCULATIONS
CHAPTER VI GERMAN MISCALCULATIONS
In the world's play-house there are a number of prominent and well-placed seats, which the instinct of veneration among mankind insists on reserving for Super-men; and as mankind is never content unless the seats of the super-men are well filled, 'the Management'—in other words, the press, the publicists, and other manipulators of opinion—have to do the best they can to find super-men to sit in them. When that is impossible, it is customary to burnish up, fig out, and pass off various colourable
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CHAPTER VII INTERNATIONAL ILL-WILL
CHAPTER VII INTERNATIONAL ILL-WILL
In the foregoing pages an attempt has been made to consider the series of events which immediately preceded the recent outbreak of war. But the most complete account of moves and counter-moves, and of all the pretexts, arguments, demands, and appeals which were put forward by the various governments concerned, with the object of forcing on, justifying, circumscribing, or preventing the present struggle, can never give us the true explanation of why it occurred. For this we must look much further
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CHAPTER I THE BISMARCKIAN EPOCH
CHAPTER I THE BISMARCKIAN EPOCH
All nations dream—some more than others; while some are more ready than others to follow their dreams into action. Nor does the prevalence, or even the intensity, of these national dreams seem to bear any fixed relation to the strength of will which seeks to turn them into achievement. After 1789 there was a great deal of dreaming among the nations of Europe. At the beginning of it all was revolutionary France, who dreamed of offering freedom to all mankind. A few years later, an altogether diff
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CHAPTER II AFTER BISMARCK
CHAPTER II AFTER BISMARCK
With the dismissal of Bismarck in 1890, Germany entered upon a new phase. Then once again her people began to dream, and this time furiously. They had conquered in war. They had won great victories in peace. According to their own estimate they were the foremost thinkers of the world. They found themselves impelled by a limitless ambition and a superb self-confidence. But the vision which now presented itself to their eyes was disordered and tumultuous. Indeed it was less dream than nightmare; a
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CHAPTER III THE GERMAN PROJECT OF EMPIRE
CHAPTER III THE GERMAN PROJECT OF EMPIRE
The German project of empire is a gorgeous fabric. The weft of it is thread of gold, but the warp of it has been dipped in the centaur's blood. It is the pride of its possessor; but it is likely to be his undoing. It ravishes his fancy with the symmetry and vastness of the pattern; yet these very two qualities, which so much excite his admiration, have shown themselves in the past singularly unpropitious to high imperial adventures. No man of action worthy of the name will ever take history for
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CHAPTER IV THE NEW MORALISTS
CHAPTER IV THE NEW MORALISTS
The dream of German expansion, as year by year it took firmer hold upon the popular imagination, produced, as might have been expected, a desire that it might be realised. From the stage of vague and ardent longing it was but a short way to the next, where a determined will began to put forth efforts towards achievement. But as mankind in the mass, whether in Germany or England, is still to some extent hampered by human nature, by a number of habits, traditions, and instincts, and by various not
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CHAPTER V THE STATECRAFT OF A PRIESTHOOD
CHAPTER V THE STATECRAFT OF A PRIESTHOOD
The thoroughness and efficiency of the Germans are admitted even by hostile critics. In the practical sphere they have excelled in military preparations, in the encouragement of industry, and in the organisation of finance. But they have achieved an even more remarkable success than any of these; for they have so arranged their educational system that it is drilled hardly less admirably than their army.[ 1 ] From the primary schools to the universities everything is ordered, so that the plastic
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CHAPTER VI THE DEVIL'S ADVOCATE
CHAPTER VI THE DEVIL'S ADVOCATE
A German might fairly contend that British criticism of his moral ideas and political system is tainted throughout by ignorance and prejudice, and that all our talk of autocracy, bureaucracy, pedantocracy, military caste, and sham constitutionalism is merely an attempt to avoid the real issue by calling things, which we happen to dislike, by bad names. Political institutions, he might insist, must be judged by their fruits. If this test were applied, Germany in his opinion would have nothing to
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CHAPTER VII THE CONFLICT OF SYSTEMS AND IDEAS
CHAPTER VII THE CONFLICT OF SYSTEMS AND IDEAS
The Freiherr's discourse raises a large number of questions, some of them unarguable. Others again are too much so; for if once started upon, argument with regard to them need never end. Some of his contentions have already been dealt with in previous chapters; some on the other hand, such as the British methods of recruiting, will be considered later on. It must, however, be admitted that his taunts and criticisms do not all rebound with blunted points from our shield of self-complacency; some,
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CHAPTER I A REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD
CHAPTER I A REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD
( January 1901- July 1914) It is not true to say that this is a war between the rival principles of democracy and autocracy. A too great absorption in our own particular sector of the situation has led certain writers to put forward, as a general explanation, this formula which is not only inadequate, but misleading. The real issue is something wider and deeper than a struggle between forms of government. It is concerned with the groundwork of human beliefs. And yet it is unquestionably true to
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CHAPTER II THREE GOVERNING IDEAS
CHAPTER II THREE GOVERNING IDEAS
At the death of Queen Victoria the development of the British Commonwealth entered upon a new phase. The epoch which followed has no precedent in our own previous experience as a nation, nor can we discover in the records of other empires anything which offers more than a superficial and misleading resemblance to it. The issues of this period presented themselves to different minds in a variety of different lights; but to all it was clear that we had reached one of the great turning-points in ou
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CHAPTER III POLICY AND ARMAMENTS
CHAPTER III POLICY AND ARMAMENTS
In the post-Victorian epoch, which we have been engaged in considering, the aim of British foreign policy may be summed up in one word—Security. It was not aggression; it was not revenge; it was not conquest, or even expansion of territories; it was simply Security. It would be absurd, of course, to imagine that security is wholly, or even mainly, a question of military preparations. "All this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, where the people are of weak courage;" or where for any reason, the pe
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CHAPTER IV THE BALANCE OF POWER
CHAPTER IV THE BALANCE OF POWER
During the whole period of rather more than thirteen years—which has been referred to in previous pages as the post-Victorian epoch, and which extended roughly from January 1901, when Queen Victoria died, to July 1914, when war was declared—the British Army remained inadequate for the purpose of upholding that policy which British statesmen of both parties, and the British people, both at home and in the Dominions, were engaged in pursuing—whether they knew it or not—and were bound to pursue, un
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CHAPTER V THE MILITARY SITUATION
CHAPTER V THE MILITARY SITUATION
(August 1911) The full gravity of the Agadir incident, though apparent to other nations, was never realised by the people of this country. The crisis arose suddenly in July 1911. Six weeks later it had subsided; but it was not until well on in the autumn that its meanings were grasped, even by that comparatively small section of the public who interest themselves in problems of defence and foreign affairs. From October onwards, however, an increasing number began to awake to the fact, that war h
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CHAPTER VI THE MILITARY SITUATION
CHAPTER VI THE MILITARY SITUATION
(August 1914) Such was the position of affairs at July 1911, as it appeared to the eyes of people who—during the ensuing period—endeavoured to arrive at an understanding of the problem without regard to the exigencies of party politics. Between that date and July 1914, when war broke out, various changes took place in the situation. The general effect of these changes was adverse to Britain and her allies. In 1911 the German estimates provided for considerable increases, especially in artillery
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CHAPTER VII A TRAGEDY OF ERRORS
CHAPTER VII A TRAGEDY OF ERRORS
It may be said—up to the very outbreak of war it was said very frequently—that the mere power and opportunity to make an outrageous attack are nothing without the will to do so. And this is true enough. Every barber who holds his client by the nose could cut his throat as easily as shave his chin. Every horse could kick the groom, who rubs him down, into the next world if he chose to do so. What sense, then, could there be in allowing our minds to be disturbed by base suspicions of our enterpris
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CHAPTER I THE BRITISH ARMY AND THE PEACE OF EUROPE
CHAPTER I THE BRITISH ARMY AND THE PEACE OF EUROPE
Many people who were not in the habit of concerning themselves with party politics endeavoured, during the autumn of 1911, and from that time forward, to straighten out their ideas on the twin problems of Foreign Policy and Defence. They were moved thereto mainly by the Agadir incident. Moreover, a year later, the Balkan war provided an object lesson in the success of sudden onset against an unprepared enemy. Gradually also, more and more attention was focussed upon the large annual increases in
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CHAPTER II THE COMPOSITION OF THE BRITISH ARMY
CHAPTER II THE COMPOSITION OF THE BRITISH ARMY
The doubt and anxiety of public opinion in 1912 were not allayed when the strength and composition of the British Army came to be considered. Leaving out of account those troops which were recruited and maintained in India, the Dominions, and the Dependencies, the actual number of British regulars employed in garrison duty abroad was in round figures 125,000 men. The number in the United Kingdom was approximately the same; but by no means the whole of these were fit to take the field. The total
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CHAPTER III LORD ROBERTS'S WARNINGS
CHAPTER III LORD ROBERTS'S WARNINGS
Lord Roberts addressed many meetings in favour of National Service during the years which followed his return from South Africa in 1905; but the first of his speeches to arrest widespread popular attention was delivered in the Free Trade Hall at Manchester, on October 22, 1912. A popular audience filled the building to overflowing, listened with respect, and appeared to accept his conclusions with enthusiasm. His words carried far beyond the walls of the meeting-place, and caused something appro
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CHAPTER IV LORD KITCHENER'S TASK
CHAPTER IV LORD KITCHENER'S TASK
Lord Roberts had been seeking for seven years to persuade the nation to realise that it was threatened by a great danger; that it was unprepared to encounter the danger; that by reason of this unpreparedness, the danger was brought much nearer. Until October 1912, however, he had failed signally in capturing the public ear. The people would not give him their attention either from favour or indignation. The cause of which he was the advocate appeared to have been caught in an academic backwater.
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CHAPTER V MATERIAL OF WAR
CHAPTER V MATERIAL OF WAR
As regards the business world the position at this time[ 1 ] was a singularly difficult one. Within a few days of the outbreak of war, orders from all parts of the globe were forthcoming, on so vast a scale that the ordinary means of coping with them were wholly inadequate. It was not possible to walk out of the War Office and buy what was wanted in the shops. In a very brief period the whole industrial system of the United Kingdom was congested with orders. In Lord Kitchener's former experience
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CHAPTER VI METHODS OF RECRUITING
CHAPTER VI METHODS OF RECRUITING
If Lord Kitchener is not to be held primarily responsible for the delay in providing war material, just as little is he to be blamed for the methods of recruiting. For he had to take what the politicians told him. He had to accept their sagacious views of what the people would stand; of 'what they would never stand'; of what 'from the House of Commons' standpoint' was practicable or impracticable. Lord Kitchener wanted men. During August and September he wanted them at once—without a moment's de
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CHAPTER VII PERVERSITIES OF THE ANTI-MILITARIST SPIRIT
CHAPTER VII PERVERSITIES OF THE ANTI-MILITARIST SPIRIT
If 'National Service,' or 'Conscription,' has actually become necessary already, or may conceivably become so before long, it seems worth while to glance at some of the considerations which have been urged in favour of this system in the past, and also to examine some of the causes and conditions which have hitherto led public opinion in the United Kingdom, as well as in several of the Dominions, to regard the principle of compulsion with hostility and distrust. The true nature of what we call t
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CHAPTER VIII SOME HISTORICAL REFLECTIONS
CHAPTER VIII SOME HISTORICAL REFLECTIONS
Prior to the present war the chief bugbears encountered by Lord Roberts, and indeed by all others whose aim it was to provide this country with an army numerically fit to support its policy, were the objections, real or imaginary, of the British race to compulsory service, and more particularly to compulsory service in foreign lands. These prejudices were true types of the bugbear; for they were born out of opinion and not out of the facts. The smaller fry of politicians, whose fears—like those
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CHAPTER IX THE CRUCIBLE OF WAR
CHAPTER IX THE CRUCIBLE OF WAR
If in the foregoing pages the Liberal party has come in for the larger share of criticism, the reason is, that during the ten critical years, while dangers were drawing to a head, a Liberal Government chanced to be in power. That things would have been managed better and more courageously had the Unionists been in power may be doubted; and certainly it is no part of my present task to champion any such theory. The special type of politician whose influence has wrought so much evil of late is no
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