Fellow-Citizens : A regard for your good opinion, and a wish to promote the cause, which, as Abolitionists, lies near our hearts, is our motive for addressing you. We think the opposition to our enterprise arises either from commercial, political or domestic connections with Slavery, or from misapprehensions respecting our principles, measures and prospects. We desire no better means of overcoming these obstacles than a fair statement of facts; and to this we now solicit your attention....

We believe that all men are born free and equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We believe Slavery is an infraction of these rights, a violation of the principles of christianity, and under all circumstances sinful. We believe that Slavery is a great national evil, political as well as moral, opposed to the genius of a republican government, highly dangerous to the peace and permanency of the Union, and if

These are our sentiments. We regret to say they are not collectively the sentiments of our countrymen. It is for our zeal in propagating them, that we have been assailed with unmeasured abuse and lawless violence. We think it of high importance to our country and the world that they should be received by all the people. What the effect of their general reception in the free states would be, is very apparent. We should abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. There Congress has exclusive juri

We propose to convert the country to our views by measures which some of our opponents, (ashamed to deny our doctrines,) allege to be the principal ground of their dissent. We think they have failed to make a proper distinction between our measures and the abuse of these measures. The constitutional action of Congress, the pulpit, the press, public debate, private conversation, anti-slavery societies, these are our measures. If any of our associates, through human infirmity, prosecute any of the

With this view of our sentiments, of their practical value, and of the propriety and wisdom of our measures, we leave you to judge whether abolitionists deserve to be out-lawed in their own country; to be loaded with abuse and contumely; to be denied a right, conceded to all other decent men, of advocating their cause in our public halls and churches; and to be left, unprotected, to the violence of ill-minded men? We beg you also to consider, how terrific would be the prospects of our country, w