The Fight For The Republic In China - free ebook by B. L. (Bertram Lenox) Putnam Weale

1918

President Li Yuan-Hung....

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PREFACE

This volume tells everything that the student or the casual reader needs to know about the Chinese Question. It is sufficiently exhaustive to show very clearly the new forces at work, and to bring some realisation of the great gulf which separates the thinking classes of to-day from the men of a few years ago; whilst, at the same time, it is sufficiently condensed not to overwhelm the reader with too great a multitude of facts. Particular attention may be devoted to an unique feature—namely, the

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The revolution which broke out in China on the 10th October, 1911, and which was completed with the abdication of the Manchu Dynasty on the 12th February, 1912, though acclaimed as highly successful, was in its practical aspects something very different. With the proclamation of the Republic, the fiction of autocratic rule had truly enough vanished; yet the tradition survived and with it sufficient of the essential machinery of Imperialism to defeat the nominal victors until the death of Yuan Sh

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THE ENIGMA OF YUAN SHIH-KAI THE HISTORY OF THE MAN FROM THE OPENING OF HIS CAREER IN KOREA IN 1882 TO THE END OF THE REVOLUTION, 12TH FEBRUARY, 1912

Yuan Shih-kai's career falls into two clear-cut parts, almost as if it had been specially arranged for the biographer; there is the probationary period in Korea, and the executive in North China. The first is important only because of the moulding-power which early influences exerted on the man's character; but it is interesting in another way since it affords glimpses of the sort of things which affected this leader's imagination throughout his life and finally brought him to irretrievable ruin

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THE DREAM REPUBLIC (FROM THE 1st JANUARY, 1912, TO THE DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT)

To describe briefly and intelligibly the series of transactions from the 1st January, 1912, when the Republic was proclaimed at Nanking by a handful of provincial delegates, and Dr. Sun Yat Sen elected Provisional President, to the coup d'état of 4th November, 1913, when Yuan Shih-kai, elected full President a few weeks previously, after having acted as Chief Executive for twenty months, boldly broke up Parliament and made himself de facto Dictator of China, is a matter of extraordinary difficul

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THE DICTATOR AT WORK (FROM THE COUP D'ETAT OF THE 4TH NOVEMBER, 1913, TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD-WAR 1ST AUGUST, 1914)

With the Parliament of China effectively destroyed, and the turbulent Yangtsze Valley dragooned into sullen submission, Yuan Shih-kai's task had become so vastly simplified that he held the moment to have arrived when he could openly turn his hand to the problem of making himself absolutely supreme, de jure as well as de facto . But there was one remaining thing to be done. To drive the last nail into the coffin of the Republic it was necessary to discredit and virtually imprison the man who was

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THE FACTOR OF JAPAN (FROM THE OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD-WAR, 1ST AUGUST, 1914, TO THE FILING OF THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS, 18TH JANUARY, 1915)

The thunderclap of the European war shattered the uneasy calm in China, not because the Chinese knew anything of the mighty issues which were to be fought out with such desperation and valour, but because the presence of the German colony of Kiaochow on Chinese soil and the activity of German cruisers in the Yellow Sea brought the war to China's very doors. Vaguely conscious that this might spell disaster to his own ambitious plans, Yuan Shih-kai was actually in the midst of tentative negotiatio

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THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS

Although the press of the world gave a certain prominence at the time to the astounding démarche with which we now have to deal, there was such persistent mystery about the matter and so many official démentis accompanied every publication of the facts that even to this day the nature of the assault which Japan delivered on China is not adequately realized, nor is the narrow escape assigned its proper place in estimates of the future. Briefly, had there not been publication of the facts and had

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JAPAN'S ORIGINAL TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS

Translations of Documents Handed to the President, Yuan Shih-kai, by Mr. Hioki, the Japanese Minister, on January 18th, 1915. The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government being desirous of maintaining the general peace in Eastern Asia and further strengthening the friendly relations and good neighbourhood existing between the two nations agree to the following articles:— Article 1. The Chinese Government engages to give full assent to all matters upon which the Japanese Government may here

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JAPAN'S REVISED DEMANDS

Japan's Revised Demands on China, twenty-four in all, presented April 26, 1915. Note on original text : [The revised list of articles is a Chinese translation of the Japanese text. It is hereby declared that when a final decision is reached, there shall be a revision of the wording of the text.] The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, being desirous of maintaining the general peace in Eastern Asia and further strengthening the friendly relations and good neighbourhood existing betwee

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NOTES TO BE EXCHANGED

An ominous silence followed the delivery of this document. The Chinese Foreign Office had already exhausted itself in a discussion which had lasted three months, and pursuant to instructions from the Presidential Palace prepared an exhaustive Memorandum on the subject. It was understood by now that all the Foreign Offices in the world were interesting themselves very particularly in the matter; and that all were agreed that the situation which had so strangely developed was very serious. On the

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MEMORANDUM

Eastern Inner Mongolia is not an enlightened region as yet, and the conditions existing there are entirely different from those prevailing in South Manchuria. The two places, therefore, cannot be considered in the same light. Accordingly, China agreed to open commercial marts first, in the interests of foreign trade. The Hanyehping Company mentioned in the third group is entirely a private company, and the Chinese Government is precluded from interfering with it and negotiating with another gove

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CHINA'S REPLY TO REVISED DEMANDS

China's Reply of May 1, 1915, to the Japanese Revised Demands of April 26, 1915. The Chinese Government and the Japanese Government, being desirous of maintaining the general peace in Eastern Asia and further strengthening the friendly relations and good neighbourhood existing between the two nations, agree to the following articles:— Article I. The Chinese Government declares that they will give full assent to all matters upon which the Japanese and German Governments may hereafter mutually agr

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JAPAN'S ULTIMATUM TO CHINA

Since Japan could not tolerate such demands the settlement of the other questions, however compromising it may be, would not be to her interest. The consequence is that the present reply of the Chinese Government is, on the whole, vague and meaningless. Furthermore, in the reply of the Chinese Government to the other proposals in the revised list of the Imperial Government, such as South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, where Japan particularly has geographical, commercial, industrial and s

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Reply of the Chinese Government to the Ultimatum of the Japanese Government, delivered to the Japanese Minister by the Minister of Foreign Affairs on the 8th of May, 1915.

On the 7th of this month, at three o'clock P.M. the Chinese Government received an Ultimatum from the Japanese Government together with an Explanatory Note of seven articles. The Ultimatum concluded with the hope that the Chinese Government by six o'clock P.M. on the 9th of May will give a satisfactory reply, and it is hereby declared that if no satisfactory reply is received before or at the specified time, the Japanese Government will take steps she may deem necessary. The Chinese Government w

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THE ORIGIN OF THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS

The key to this remarkable business was supplied by a cover sent anonymously to the writer during the course of these negotiations with no indication as to its origin. The documents which this envelope contained are so interesting that they merit attention at the hands of all students of history, explaining as they do the psychology of the Demands as well as throwing much light on the manner in which the world-war has been viewed in Japan. The first document is purely introductory, but is none t

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PART I. THE EUROPEAN WAR AND THE CHINESE QUESTION

The present gigantic struggle in Europe has no parallel in history. Not only will the equilibrium of Europe be affected and its effect felt all over the globe, but its results will create a New Era in the political and social world. Therefore, whether or not the Imperial Japanese Government can settle the Far Eastern Question and bring to realization our great Imperial policy depends on our being able to skilfully avail ourselves of the world's general trend of affairs so as to extend our influe

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PART II. THE CHINESE QUESTION AND THE DEFENSIVE ALLIANCE

It is a very important matter of policy whether the Japanese Government, in obedience to its divine mission, shall solve the Chinese Question in a heroic manner by making China voluntarily rely upon Japan. To force China to such a position there is nothing else for the Imperial Japanese Government to do but to take advantage of the present opportunity to seize the reins of political and financial power and to enter by all means into a defensive alliance with her under secret terms as enumerated

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ALLEGED SECRET AGREEMENT MADE BETWEEN SUN WEN (SUN YAT SEN) AND THE JAPANESE

In order to preserve the peace in the Far East, it is necessary for China and Japan to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance whereby in case of war with any other nation or nations Japan shall supply the military force while China shall be responsible for the finances. It is impossible for the present Chinese Government to work hand in hand with the Japanese Government nor does the Japanese Government desire to co-operate with the former. Consequently Japanese politicians and merchants

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LOAN AGREEMENT MADE BETWEEN THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY REPRESENTED BY CHANG YAO-CHING AND HIS ASSOCIATES OF THE FIRST PART AND KAWASAKI KULANOSKE OF THE SECOND PART

1. The Europe and Asia Trading Company undertakes to raise a loan of 500,000 yen. After the Agreement is signed and sealed by the contracting parties the Japanese Central Bank shall hand over 3/10 of the loan as the first instalment. When Chang Yao-Ching and his associates arrive at their proper destination the sum of 150,000 yen shall be paid over as the second instalment. When final arrangements are made the third and last instalment of 200,000 yen shall be paid. 2. When money is to be paid ou

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THE MONARCHIST PLOT THE PAMPHLET OF YANG TU

A shiver of impotent rage passed over the country when the nature and acceptance of the Japanese Ultimatum became generally known. The Chinese, always an emotional people, responding with quasi-feminine volubility to oppressive acts, cried aloud at the ignominy of the diplomacy which had so cruelly crucified them. One and all declared that the day of shame which had been so harshly imposed upon them would never be forgotten and that Japan would indeed pay bitterly for her policy of extortion. Tw

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A DEFENCE OF THE MONARCHICAL MOVEMENT

Mr. Ko (or "the stranger"): Since the establishment of the Republic four years have passed, and upon the President depends the preservation of order at home and the maintenance of prestige abroad. I suppose that after improving her internal administration for ten or twenty years, China will become a rich and prosperous country, and will be able to stand in the front rank with western nations. Mr. Hu: No! No! If China does not make any change in the form of government there is no hope for her bec

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THE MONARCHY PLOT THE MEMORANDUM OF DR. GOODNOW

Although this extraordinary pamphlet was soon accepted by Chinese society as a semi-official warning of what was coming, it alone was not sufficient to launch a movement which to be successful required the benign endorsement of foreign opinion. The Chinese pamphleteer had dealt with the emotional side of the case: it was necessary to reinforce his arguments with an appeal which would be understood by Western statesmen as well as by Eastern politicians. Yuan Shih-kai, still pretending to stand as

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DR. GOODNOW'S MEMORANDUM

A country must have a certain form of government, and usually the particular form of government of a particular country is not the result of the choice of the people of that country. There is not any possibility even for the most intellectual to exercise any mental influence over the question. Whether it be a monarchy or republic, it cannot be the creation of human power except when it is suitable to the historical, habitual, social and financial conditions of that country. If an unsuitable form

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THE MONARCHY MOVEMENT IS OPPOSED THE APPEAL OF THE SCHOLAR LIANG CH'I-CHAO

We have already referred in several places to the extraordinary rôle scholarship and the literary appeal play in the governance of China. It is necessary to go back to the times of the birth of the Roman Empire, and to invoke the great figure of Cicero, to understand how greatly the voice of men of recognized intellectual qualities influences the nation. Liang Ch'i-chao, a man of some forty-five years, had long been distinguished for his literary attainments and for the skill with which, though

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FROM REPUBLIC TO MONARCHY

Before I proceed with my argument I wish to make plain two points. One is that I am not one of those reformers whose ears are their brains, and who are intoxicated with the doctrine of republicanism. I have, therefore, no partiality for the republican form of government nor any bias for or against other forms of government. This can be proved by my literary work during the last ten years. The second point is that I am not one of the veteran conservatives who lay so much stress on the importance

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THE DREAM EMPIRE "THE PEOPLE'S VOICE," AND THE ACTION OF THE POWERS (FROM SEPTEMBER TO DECEMBER, 1915)

The effect of Liang Ch'i-chao's appeal was noticeable at once: there were ominous mutterings among all the great class of "intellectuals" who form such a remarkable element throughout the country. Nevertheless there were no overt acts attempted against the authority of Peking. Although literary and liberal China was now thoroughly convinced that the usurpation which Yuan Shih-kai proposed to practise would be a national disgrace and lead to far-reaching complications, this force were too scatter

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED AUGUST 30, 1915, FROM TUAN CHI-KUEI, MILITARY GOVERNOR OF MOUKDEN, ET ALIA, CONTAINING INSTRUCTIONS FOR PRESENTING PETITIONS TO PEKING IN THE NAME OF THE CITIZENS OF THE PROVINCES

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:— (To be deciphered personally with the Council of State Code) The proposal of changing the form of the State into a monarchy having been unanimously agreed to by the provinces, the first step to be taken has now to be decided. We propose that petitions be sent in the name of the citizens of the respective provinces to the Senate acting in the capacity of Legislative Chamber, so as to demonstrate the wish of the people to have a monarchy. The

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED SEPTEMBER 26, 1915, FROM THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO THE MILITARY AND CIVIL GOVERNORS OF THE PROVINCES RESPECTING THE NON-OBSERVANCE OF THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE REPUBLIC

To the Military and Civil Governors and the Military Commissioners of the Provinces and the Intendant of Shanghai:— (Code Telegram) Now that a monarchical form of government has been advocated, the National Anniversary in commemoration of the Republic should, of course, be observed with least possible display, under the pretext either of the necessity for economy owing to the impoverished condition of the people, or of the advisability of celebrating the occasion quietly so as to prevent disturb

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER 7, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, DEVISING PLANS FOR NOMINATING YUAN SHIH-KAI AS EMPEROR

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:— (To be deciphered with the Hua Code) Our telegram of the 12th ult. must have reached you by this time. The Administrative Council, at a meeting held on the 4th inst., passed the Bill for a General Convention of the Citizens' Representatives. Article 12 of the Bill was amended so as to contain the following clause:—"The Superintendent of Election may, in case of necessity, delegate his functions to the several district magistrates." This will

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER 26, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, RESPECTING THE NOMINATION OF YUAN SHIH-KAI AS EMPEROR

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:— (To be deciphered with the Hua Code) Your telegram of the 24th inst. came duly to hand. After the form of the state has been put to the vote, the nomination of Yuan Shih-kai as emperor should be made forthwith without further voting. You should address the representatives and tell them that a monarchy having been decided on, not even a single day should pass without an emperor; that the citizens' representatives present should nominate Yuan

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED NOVEMBER 7, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, ENJOINING A STRONG ATTITUDE TOWARDS INTERFERENCE ON THE PART OF A CERTAIN FOREIGN POWER

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:— (To be deciphered personally with the Council of State Code) A certain foreign power, under the pretext that the Chinese people are not of one mind and that troubles are to be apprehended, has lately forced England and Russia to take part in tendering advice to China. In truth, all foreign nations know perfectly well that there will be no trouble, and they are obliged to follow the example of that power. If we accept the advice of other Powe

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YUAN SHIH-KAI'S ACCEPTANCE OF THE IMPERIAL THRONE

The prosperity and decline of the country is a part of the responsibility of every individual, and my love for the country is certainly not less than that of others. But the task imposed on me by the designation of the millions of people is of extraordinary magnitude. It is therefore impossible for one without merit and without virtue like myself to shoulder the burdens of State involved in the enhancing of the welfare of the people, the strengthening of the standing of the country, the reformat

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED DECEMBER 14, 1915, FROM THE OFFICE OF COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE LAND AND NAVAL FORCES, RESPECTING CHINA'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS FOREIGN NATIONS

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:— (To be deciphered with the Hua Code) On the 11th inst. the acting Legislature Council submitted a memorial to the Emperor, reporting on the number of votes cast by the people in favour of a monarchy and the letters of nomination of Yuan Shih-kai as Emperor received from all parts of the country, and begged that he would ascend the Throne at an early date. His Majesty was, however, so modest as to decline. The Council presented a second memor

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CODE TELEGRAM DATED DECEMBER 21, 1915, FROM THE NATIONAL CONVENTION BUREAU, ORDERING THE DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE ELECTIONS

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces, the Military Commissioners at Foochow and Kweiyang; the Military Commandants at Changteh, Kweihuating, and Kalgan; and the Commissioner of Defence at Tachienlu:—(To be deciphered with the Hua Code) The change in the form of the state is now happily accomplished. This is due not only to the unity of the people's minds, but more especially to the skill with which, in realizing the object of saving the country, you have carried out the propagand

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"THE THIRD REVOLUTION" THE REVOLT OF YUNNAN

In all the circumstances it was only natural that the extraordinary chapter of history we have just narrated should have marched to its appointed end in just as extraordinary a manner as it had commenced. Yuan Shih-kai, the uncrowned king, actually enjoyed in peace his empty title only for a bare fortnight, the curious air of unreality becoming more and more noticeable after the first burst of excitement occasioned by his acceptance of the Throne had subsided. Though the year 1915 ended with Pek

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FIRST TELEGRAM

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN....

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SECOND TELEGRAM

For the Perusal of the Great President:— In our humble opinion the reason why the people—Chinese and foreign—cannot excuse the President is because the movement for the change of Kuo-ti has been inspired, and indeed actually originated in Peking, and that the ringleaders of the plot against the Min Kuo are all "bosom-men" of the President. The Chou An Hui, organized by Yang Tu and five other men, set the fire ablaze and the circular telegram sent by Chu Chi-chien and six other persons precipitat

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"THE THIRD REVOLUTION" (Continued) THE DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF YUAN SHIH-KAI

As had been the case during the previous revolts, it was not publicly or on the battlefield that the most crucial work was performed: the decisive elements in this new and conclusive struggle were marshalled behind the scenes and performed their task unseen. Though the mandarinate, at the head of which stood Yuan Shih-kai, left no stone unturned to save itself from its impending fate, all was in vain. Slowly but inexorably it was shown that a final reckoning had to be faced. The reasons are not

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DECREE CANCELLING THE EMPIRE (22ND MARCH)

After the establishment of the Min Kuo ( i.e. the Republic), disturbances rapidly followed one another; and a man of little virtue like me was called to take up the vast burden of the State. Fearing that disaster might befall us any day, all those who had the welfare of the country at heart advocated the reinstitution of the monarchical system of government to the end that a stop be put to all strife for power and a régime of peace be inaugurated. Suggestions in this sense have unceasingly been

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LAST MANDATE OF YUAN SHIH-KAI

The Min Kuo has been established for five years. Unworthily have I, the Great President, been entrusted with the great task by the citizens. Owing to my lack of virtue and ability I have not been able fully to transform into deeds what I have desired to accomplish; and I blush to say that I have not realized one ten-thousandth part of my original intention to save the country and the people. I have, since my assumption of the office, worked in day and thought in the night, planning for the count

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THE NEW RÉGIME,—FROM 1916 TO 1917

Within an hour of the death of Yuan Shih-kai, the veteran General Tuan Chi-jui, in his capacity of Secretary of State, had called on Vice-President Li Yuan-hung—the man whom years before he had been sent to the Yangtsze to bring captive to Peking—and welcomed him as President of the Republic. At one o'clock on the same day the Ministers of the Allied Powers who had hastily assembled at the Waichiaopu (Foreign Office), were informed that General Li Yuan-hung had duly assumed office and that the p

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THE REPUBLIC IN COLLISION WITH REALITY: TWO TYPICAL INSTANCES OF "FOREIGN AGGRESSION"

Such, then, were the internal conditions which the new administration was called upon to face with the death of Yuan Shih-kai. With very little money in the National Treasury and with the provinces unable or unwilling to remit to the capital a single dollar, it was fortunate that at least one public service, erected under foreign pressure, should be brilliantly justifying its existence. The Salt Administration, efficiently reorganized in the space of three years by the great Indian authority, Si

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CHINA AND THE WAR

The question of Chinese sentiments on the subject of the war, as well as the precise relations between the Chinese Government and the two groups of belligerents, are matters which have been totally misunderstood. To those who have grasped the significance of the exhaustive preceding account of the Republic in travail, this statement should not cause surprise; for China has been in no condition to play anything but an insignificant and unsatisfactory rôle in world-politics. When the world-war bro

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THE NECESSITY FOR WAR

"Those who question the necessity for war can only quote the attitude of America as example. The position of China is, however, different from that of America in two points. First, actual warfare will follow immediately after America's declaration of war, so it is necessary for her to make the necessary preparations before taking the step. For this purpose, America has voted several hundred million dollars for an increase of her naval appropriations. America therefore cannot declare war until sh

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THE QUESTION OF AUSTRIA

"If China decides to declare war on Germany the same attitude should be taken towards Austria. We have severed diplomatic relations with Germany but retain the status quo with Austria. This is fraught with danger. German intrigue is to be dreaded. What they have done in America and Mexico is enough to shock us. The danger can easily be imagined when we remember that they have in China the Austrian Legation, Austrian Consulates and Austrian concessions as their bases of operation for intrigue and

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MEMORANDUM

... "The breach between the United States and Germany is no concern of ours. But the Government suddenly severed diplomatic relations with Germany and is now contemplating entry into the war. This is to advance beyond the action of the United States which continues to observe neutrality. And if we analyse the public opinion of the country, we find that all peoples—high and low, well-informed and ignorant—betray great alarm when informed of the rupture and the proposal to declare war on Germany,

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DIPLOMACY OF CONFUCIUS

"In the matter of diplomacy, we do not need to go to the West for the apt learning on the point at issue. Confucius has said: 'Be truthful and cultivate friendship—this is the foundation of human happiness.' Our country being weak and undeveloped, if we strive to be truthful and cultivate friendship, we can still be a civilized nation, albeit hoary with age. But we are now advised to take advantage of the difficulties of Germany and abandon honesty in order that we may profit thereby. Discarding

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MANDATE DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT

In the 6th month of last year I promulgated a Mandate stating that in order to make a Constitution it was imperative that Parliament should be convened. The Republic was inaugurated five years ago and yet there was no Constitution, which should be the fundamental law of a nation, therefore it was ordered that Parliament be re-convened to make the Constitution, etc., at once. Therefore the main object for the re-convocation of Parliament was to make a formal constitution for the country. Recently

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MEMORANDUM

To the President: Our previous memorandum to Your Excellency must have received your attention. We now beg further to inform you that the rebels are now practically in an embarrassing predicament on account of internal differences, the warning of the friendly Powers, and the protest of the South-western provinces. Their position is becoming daily more and more untenable. If Your Excellency strongly holds out for another ten days or so, their movement will collapse. Some one, however, has the imp

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IMPERIAL EDICT

After weighing the two sides and considering the mandates of Heaven and man, we have decided reluctantly to comply with the prayers, and have again occupied the Court to attend to the affairs of State after resuming possession of the great power on the 13th day of the 5th moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung. A new beginning will be made with our people. Hereafter the principles of morality and the sacred religion shall be our constitution in spirit, and order, righteousness, honesty and conscienc

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THE NINE ARTICLES

Herewith we promulgate the following principal things, which we must either introduce as reforms or abolish as undesirable in restoration. 1. We shall obey the edict of Emperor Teh Tsung Chin (Kuang Hsu), namely, that the sovereign power shall be controlled by the Court (state) but the detailed administration shall be subject to public opinion. The country shall be called The Empire of Ta Ching; and the methods of other constitutional monarchies shall be carefully copied. 2. The allowance for th

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ALLEGED MEMORIAL BY PRESIDENT LI YUAN-HUNG

In a memorial submitted this day, offering to return the sovereign power of State and praying that we again ascend the throne to control the great empire, Li Yuan-hung states that some time ago he was forced by mutinous troops to steal the great throne and falsely remained at the head of the administration but failed to do good to the difficult situation. He enumerates the various evils in the establishment of a Republic and prays that we ascend the throne to again control the Empire with a view

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PRIVY COUNCIL

(Hereafter follow many appointments of reactionary Chinese officials.) The general stupefaction at the madness of this act and the military occupation of all posts and telegraph-offices in Peking allowed 48 hours to go by before the reaction came. On the 2nd July Edicts still continued to appear attempting to galvanize to life the corpse of Imperialism and the puzzled populace flew the Dragon Flag. On the morning of the 3rd, however, the news suddenly spread that President Li Yuan-hung, who had

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TRANSLATION

President Li, accompanied by two members of his staff, came at 9.30 on the evening of July 2 to the residence of General Saito, Military Attaché of the Japanese Legation, and asked protection from him. He arrived in a spontaneous manner and without previous notice. Under these circumstances, the Imperial Japanese Legation, following international usage, has decided to accord him the necessary protection and has placed at his disposal a part of the military barracks. The Legation further declares

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TUAN CHI-JUI'S MANIFESTO

(Sgd) TUAN CHI-JUI. Following the publication of this manifesto a general movement of troops began. On the 5th July the important Peking-Tientsin railway was reported interrupted forty miles from the capital—at Langfang which is the station where Admiral Seymour's relief expedition in 1900 was nearly surrounded and exterminated. Chang Hsun, made desperate by the swift answer to his coup, had moved out of Peking in force stiffening his own troops with numbers of Manchu soldiery, and announcing th

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THE FINAL PROBLEM:—REMODELLING THE POLITICO-ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHINA AND THE WORLD

The careful narrative we have made—supported as it is by documents—of the history of China since the inception of the Republic six years ago should not fail to awaken profound astonishment among those who are interested in the spread of good government throughout the world. Even casual readers will have no difficulty in realizing how many lives have been lost and how greatly the country has been crippled both owing to the blind foreign support given to Yuan Shih-kai during four long and weary ye

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DOCUMENTS IN GROUP I

(1) The so-called Nineteen Articles, being the grant made by the Throne after the outbreak of the Wuchang Rebellion in 1911 in a vain attempt to satisfy the nation. (2) The Abdication Edicts issued on the 12th February, 1912, endorsing the establishment of the Republic. (3) The terms of abdication, generally referred to as "The articles of Favourable Treatment," in which special provision is made for the "rights" of Manchus, Mongols, Mohammedans and Tibetans, who are considered as being outside

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TERMS OF ABDICATION

N.B. These terms are generally referred to in China as "The Articles of Favourable Treatment." A.—Concerning the Emperor. The Ta Ching Emperor having proclaimed a republican form of government, the Republic of China will accord the following treatment to the Emperor after his resignation and retirement. Article 1. After abdication the Emperor may retain his title and shall receive from the Republic of China the respect due to a foreign sovereign. Article 2. After the abdication the Throne shall

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DOCUMENTS IN GROUP II

(1) The Provisional Constitution passed at Nanking in January, 1912. (2) The Presidential Election Law passed on the 4th October, 1913, by the full Parliament, under which Yuan Shih-kai was elected President,—and now formally incorporated as a separate chapter in the Permanent Constitution. (3) The Constitutional Compact, promulgated on 1st May, 1914. This "law" which was the first result of the coup d'état of 4th November, 1913, and designed to take the place of the Nanking Constitution is whol

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THE PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Passed at Nanking in 1912, currently referred to as the old Constitution Article 1. The Republic of China is composed of the Chinese people. Art. 2. The sovereignty of the Chinese Republic is vested in the people. Art. 3. The territory of the Chinese Republic consists of the 18 provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Chinghai. Art. 4. The sovereignty of the Chinese Republic is exercised by the National Council, the Provisional President, the Cabinet and the Judiciary. Art. 5. Citizens of

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THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION LAW

Passed October 4 1913, by the National Assembly and promulgated by the then Provisional President on October 5 of the same year . Article 1. A citizen of the Chinese Republic, who is entitled to all the rights of citizenship, is 40 years or more in age and has resided in China for not less than ten years, is eligible for election as President. Art. 2. The President shall be elected by an Electoral College organized by the members of the National Assembly of the Chinese Republic. The said electio

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"THE CONSTITUTIONAL COMPACT"

Drafted by Dr. Frank Johnson Goodnow, Legal Adviser to Yuan Shih-kai, and promulgated on May 1, 1914 Article 1. The Chung Hua Min Kuo is organized by the people of Chung Hua. Art. 2. The sovereignty of Chung Hua Min Kuo originates from the whole body of the citizens. Art. 3. The territory of the Chung Hua Min Kuo is the same as that possessed by the former Empire. Art. 4. The people of the Chung Hua Min Kuo are all equal in law, irrespective of race, caste, or religion. Art. 5. The people are en

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THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION

Passed by a puppet political body and promulgated by Yuan Shih-kai on December 29, 1914 Article 1. A male citizen of the Republic of Chung Hua, possessing the rights of citizenship, 40 or more years of age and having resided in the Republic for not less than 20 years shall be eligible for election as President. Art. 2. The Presidential term shall be ten years with eligibility for re-election. Art. 3. At the time of the Presidential Election the then President shall, representing the opinion of t

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DOCUMENTS IN GROUP III

(1) The Russo-Chinese agreement of 5th November, 1913, which affirmed the autonomy of Outer Mongolia. (2) The Russo-Chinese-Mongolian tripartite agreement of the 7th June, 1915, ratifying the agreement of the 5th November, 1913. (3) The Chino-Japanese Treaties and annexes of the 25th May, 1915, in settlement of the Twenty-one Demands of the 18th January, 1915....

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THE RUSSO-CHINESE AGREEMENT REGARDING OUTER MONGOLIA

(Translation from the official French Text) The Imperial Russian Government having formulated the principles on which its relations with China on the subject of Outer Mongolia should be based; and the Government of the Republic of China having signified its approval of the aforesaid principles, the two Governments have come to the following agreement: Article I. Russia recognizes that Outer Mongolia is placed under the suzerainty of China. Art. II. China recognizes the autonomy of Outer Mongolia

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SINO-RUSSO MONGOLIAN AGREEMENT

(Translation from the French) The President of the Republic of China, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all Russias, and His Holiness the Bogdo Djembzoun Damba Khoutoukhtou Khan of Outer Mongolia, animated by a sincere desire to settle by mutual agreement various questions created by a new state of things in Outer Mongolia, have named for that purpose their Plenipotentiary Delegates, that is to say: The President of the Republic of China, General Py-Koue-Fang and Monsieur Tcheng-Loh, Envoy Ext

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CHINO-JAPANESE TREATIES AND ANNEXES

The following is an authoritative translation of the two Treaties and thirteen Notes exchanged between His Excellency the President of the Republic of China and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan through their respective plenipotentiaries : His Excellency the President of the Republic of China and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, having resolved to conclude a Treaty with a view to the maintenance of general peace in the Extreme East and the further strengthening of the relations of friendship and

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DOCUMENTS IN GROUP IV

(1) The Draft of the Permanent Constitution completed in May, 1917. (2) The proposed Provincial System, i.e. , the local government law. (3) Memorandum by the Ministry of Commerce on Tariff Revision, illustrating the anomalies of present trade taxation. (4) The leading outstanding cases between China and the Foreign Powers....

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DRAFT OF THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION OF CHINA

(As it stood on May 28th, 1917, in its second reading at the Constitutional Conference.) The Constitutional Conference of the Republic of China, in order to enhance the national dignity, to unite the national dominion, to advance the interest of society and to uphold the sacredness of humanity, hereby adopt the following constitution which shall be promulgated to the whole country, to be universally observed, and handed down unto the end of time. Article 1. The Republic of China shall for ever b

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THE LOCAL SYSTEM

The following Regulations on the Local System have been referred to the Parliamentary Committee for consideration:— Article 1. The Local System shall embrace provinces and hsien districts. Any change for the existing division of provinces and hsien districts shall be decided by the Senate. As to Mongolia, Tibet, Chinghai and other places where no provinces and hsien districts have been fixed, Parliament shall enforce these regulations there in future. Art. 2. A province shall have the following

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TARIFF REVISION IN CHINA

The following is a translation of a memorandum prepared by the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce regarding abolition of likin and an increase of the Customs duties:— "Disproportionate taxation on commodities at inland towns and cities tends to cripple the productive power of a country. Acting upon this principle, France in the 17th, England, America, Germany and Austria in the 18th Century abolished such kind of taxation, the Customs tariff remaining, which is a levy on imports at the first p

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MEMORANDUM

(Author's note. The following memorandum was drawn up by Dr. C.C. Wu, Councillor at the Chinese Foreign Office and son of Dr. Wu Ting-fang, the Foreign Minister, and is a most competent and precise statement. It is a noteworthy fact that not only is Dr. C.C. Wu a British barrister but he distinguished himself above all his fellows in the year he was called to the Bar. It is also noteworthy that the Lao Hsi-kai case does not figure in this summary, China taking the view that French action through

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A

Antung-Mukden railway, 78 , 82 Ariga, Dr., 261 Army Reorganization Council, 24 "Articles of Favourable Treatment for the Manchus," 28 , 31 ; text of, 294...

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B

Babachapu, 217 Bannerman families, 215 Belgian loan, the, 15 n Syndicate, 34 Black Dragon Society, the, 94 ; memorandum of, 95 - 103 Black Dragon Society's review of European war issues, 95 - 97 Boycott on Japanese commerce, 109 Boxer Indemnities postponed, 247 rebellion, the, 13 ; and European intervention, 23 British policies in China, 52 position towards the Yuan Shih-kai régime, 64...

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C

Cambaluc of Marco Polo, the, 3 Canton province, 9 Cassini Convention, the, 94 Catholic, Roman, controversies, 4 Central Government, organization of, 31 - 33 Chang Cheng-wu, Gen., 45 ; execution of, 36 Chang Chih-tung, 204 Chang Hsun, Gen., 41 , 51 , 195 , 207 , 253 , 254 , 269 , 270 Chang Kuo-kan, 197 Chang Tso-lin, Gen., 217 , 222 Chang, Tsung-hsiang, 197 Chang Yao Ching and the Europe and Asia Trading Co., 107 Chen Yi, Gen., 194 Chengchiatun incident, the, 216 - 224 Chekiang revolts against Yu

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D

Dane, Sir Richard, 216 Death of Empress Lun Yi, 46 Decree cancelling the Empire, 191 Defence of the monarchial movement, by Yang Tu, 113 - 127 ; by Dr. Goodnow, 129 - 136 Dementi , 1913, of Yuan Shih-kai, 64 Diet of Japan, first summoned, 58 Diplomatic relations with China broken, 237 - 244 Distance in China, philosophy of, 6...

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E

Eastern Asia, contestants for land-power in, 60 Election, of 1913, 37 ; of Yuan Shih-kai as emperor, machinery of, 163 - 169 ; the, of 1915, 162 - 170 ; records ordered burnt, 172 Electoral College, provision for, 50 Emperor, analysis of powers of, 4 - 6 ; Chia Ching, 2 ; Ch'ien Lung, 2 ; Hsiaouri, 49 ; Hsuan Tung, 28 , 256 ; K'ang-hsi, 2 , 4 ; Kwanghsu, 21 , 24 , 28 , 45 Emperors, immurement of in Forbidden City, 2 Empire, the dissolution of, 196 Empress, Lun Yi, death of, 46 ; Tsu Hsi, 45 Euro

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F

Feng Kuo-chang, Gen., 41 , 137 n , 181 , 194 , 240 , 255 , 267 , 272 Fengtien, Manchurian province, 8 Feudal organization of Japan, 57 Finance, between the provinces, 11 ; the binding chain between provincial and metropolitan China, 7 - 9 Financial troubles, 31 , 34 , 46 , 190 , 216 Foochow arsenal, 75 Forbidden City, immurement of emperors in, 2 Foreign Debt Commission, 38 ; intervention threatened, 37 loan, the first, 12 loans, 34 Foreigners in China, position of, 227 Four-Power group, the, 34

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G

German, Boxer indemnity, 237 ; diplomatic relations broken, 237 - 244 ; minister leaves Pekin, 243 ; negotiations with Yuan Shih-kai, 54 ; propaganda in China, 230 ; reply to China's protest, 241 ; war declaration considered, 243 ; Germany, war against declared, 272 Germany's status after the war, 95 Goodnow, Dr., 48 , 50 n ; legal adviser of Yuan Shih-kai, 128 ; memorandum of, 129 - 136 Gordon, General, 21 Government, the Central, definition of, 31 - 33 Governmental system of the Manchu dynasty

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H

Hankow editor flogged to death, 47 Hangchow, open port, 74 Hanyang arsenal, 74 Hanyehping Company, the, 69 , 74 n , 80 , 83 , 84 , 87 Heilungchiang, Manchurian province, 8 Hioki, Dr., Japanese Minister, 66 , 68 , 81 Hsianfu flight, the, 2 , 7 Hsaiochan camp, the, 20 Division, the, 21 Hsiaowu, emperor, 49 Hsuan Tung, boy emperor, 28 , 256 ; enthroned, 262 Huai Chun , the, 20 Huang Hsin, 40 Hutuktu, the Living Buddha of Urga, 35...

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I

Imperial Clan Society, 35 Imperialist-Republican conflict of 1917, 268 - 272 Inner Mongolia, political unrest in, 52 Insurrection of the "White Wolfs," 47 International Debt Commission, 34 financial contests, 34 Interpellation to the government on the question of war with Germany, 250 Ito, Prince, 19...

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J

Japan, and Korea, 285 - 287 ; and the Kiaochow campaign, 63 ; demands participation in loan, 34 ; demands the Kiaochow territory from Germany, 54 ; feudal organization of, 57 ; first Diet summoned, 58 ; forced to revise the Twenty-one Demands, 76 ; forecasts result of European War, 95 - 103 ; formation of the Shogunate in, 57 ; inquires as to the monarchial movement, 161 ; militarism in, 57 ; receives fugitive President Li Yuan-hung, 266 ; recognizes Yuan Shih-kai as Dictator, 65 ; socialism in,

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K

Kameio Nishihara, 249 Kang Yu Wei, 21 , 141 , 246 K'ang-hsi, emperor, 2 , 4 Kato, Japanese Viscount, 72 , 104 Kawasaki Kulanoske, 107 Kiaochow campaign, unpopularity of, in Japan, 63 ; demanded by Japan, 54 Kirin, Manchurian province, 8 Kirin-Changchun railway, 69 , 79 Kiushiu, island of, 74 Ko-lao-hui, the, origin of, 1 Korea, the opening of, 17 , 60 Korean question, the, 285 Kowshing , British steamer, sinking of, 20 Kublai Khan, 3 Kueichow province, revolt of, 183 , 190 Kuomingtang, the, 37 ,

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L

Lansdowne, Lord, 285 Lao-hsi-kai dispute, the, 225 Legations in Pekin, their attitude towards Yuan Shih-kai, 52 ; inquire as to the monarchial movement, 162 Li Hung Chang, 18 , 19 Li Lieh-chun, Gen., 40 Li Yuan-hung, 44 ; elected President, 194 ; assumes the office, 200 ; first presidential acts, 201 ; monarchists plot against him, 202 ; his early life and career, 204 - 206 ; his position as to breaking diplomatic relations with Germany, 241 ; he dissolves Parliament, 256 ; escapes from Pekin, 2

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M

Japan's intrigues in, 221 - 223 Manchurian policy of the Twenty-One Demands, 72 Mandate of Cancellation, the, 191 ; Yuan Shih-kai's last, 196 Manifesto of Gen. Tuan Chi-jui, 169 Marco Polo, 3 Marriage, immunity of Chinese women, with Manchus, 5 n Meiji, Japanese Emperor, 58 Memorandum, of Dr. Goodnow, 129 - 136 ; of policy of the Black Dragon Society, 95 - 97 , 98 - 103 ; on Tariff Revision, draft of, 348 Militarism in Japan, 58 Military Governors, independence of, 35 ; attempt to coerce Parliam

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N

Nanking, 28 Conference, the, 194 ; Delegates, 32 ; Provisional Constitution, 32 , 38 , 207 National debt, consolidation of, 277 ; Salvation Fund, 109 Nationalists, the (Kuomingtang), 206 New calendar adopted, 174 New Republic, organization of, 206 ; opposition of the Military party, 208 Neutrality position of China, 236 Ni Shih-chung, Gen., 195 , 257 Nineteen Articles, the, text of, 293 - 298 Fundamental Articles, the, 28...

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O

Oath of office, presidential, 33 Outer Mongolia question, 35 ; autonomy conceded to, 43...

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P

"Palace of Generals," 50 Pamphlet of Yang Tu, 113 - 127 Parliament, composition of, 37 n ; provides for election of President, 42 ; Radical members unseated, 42 ; session of 1916, 206 - 214 ; dissensions over dissolution, 256 ; is dissolved, 258 Parliamentary, change by the "Constitutional Compact," 49 ; struggles, 40 Peace note, President Wilson's, China's reply to, 232 Peace of Portsmouth, 279 Pekin, distances from, 6 Peking System vs. Manchu Dynasty, 14 Permanent Constitution, 208 , 252 ; dra

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R

Railway concessions demanded by Japan, 68 , 77 construction, progress of, under Yuan Shih-kai, 52 Rebellion of 1813, 41 Referendum arranged for by Senate, 160 Reform Edicts of 1898, 21 Religious provisions of "The Constitutional Compact," 48 Reorganization loan, the, 38 Republic proclaimed, 28 recognition of by the Powers, 39 Republic's anniversary, non-observance of, 165 review of in Goodnow Memorandum, 131 Republican-Imperialist Conflict of 1917, 268 - 272 Restoration Edict of Hsuan Tung, 263

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S

Salt Administration, the, 39 , 216 Santuao harbour, 75 Secret society plots, 2 Sectional dispute, 32 Senate, rules of, 211 Shanghai, specie hoarded at, 46 Shansi Bankers, 11 Shantung and the Twenty-One Demands, 72 province, Yuan Shih-kai appointed governor, 22 Shasi, open port, 74 Shogunate, establishment of, in Japan, 57 Six-Power group, the, 34 , 38 Socialism in Japan, 58 Society for the Preservation of Peace (Chou An Hui), 111 Soochow, open port, 74 South Manchurian railway, 68 , 78 , 82 Sout

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T

Taiping rebellion, 3 , 9 Tanaka, Gen., 261 Taonanfu administration, 217 Tariff reformation, 277 Tax collection, 11 Tayeh iron mines, 74 Tibet, independence of recognized by Russia, 36 Tieh Liang, 24 Tientsin rebellion of the Military Governors, 254 Tong Kwan Palace, the battle at, 19 Tong Shao-yi, 28 Treaty of Shimonoseki, 279 Treaty-ports, economical effects of, 14 Tsao-ao, Gen., 178 - 181 Tsao Ju-lin, 197 Tsan Cheng Yuan, passes a "king-making" bill, 160 Tseng Kuo-fan, Marquis, 21 Tsung She Ta

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U

United States, Goodnow's review of, 131 , 138...

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V

Viceroy's, prerogatives of in Chinese government, 7...

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W

Wai Chiao Pu conference, 82 Wakamatsu, Japanese government foundry at, 74 Wang Yi-tang, 197 War memorandums, 244 , 247 Wilson, President, 38 n , 231 Wu, C.C., Dr., 351 Wu Chang-ching, Gen., 18 Wu Ting-fang, Dr., 253 , 256 , 257...

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Y

Yang Tu, champion of neo-imperialists, 111 ; publisher famous pamphlet, 111 ; the pamphlet, 113 - 127 Yangtsze Valley, Japanese activities in, 73 Yuan Shih-kai, 15 ; the bailiff of the Powers, 16 ; his early life, 17 ; first emerges into public view, 18 ; in Seoul, 18 ; appointed Imperial Resident at Seoul, 19 ; leaves Korea, 20 ; in command of Hsaiochan camp, 20 ; refuses to depose Empress Tzu-Hsi, 21 ; appointed Governor of Shantung, 23 ; defeats the Boxers, 23 ; made Viceroy of Chihli, 33 ; r

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