42 chapters
6 hour read
Selected Chapters
42 chapters
PRACTICAL POLITICSor theLiberalism of To-dayBY ALFRED F. ROBBINS
PRACTICAL POLITICSor theLiberalism of To-dayBY ALFRED F. ROBBINS
AUTHOR OF “ Five Years of Tory Rule ;” “ William Edward Forster, the Man and his Policy ;” “ The Marquis of Salisbury, a Personal and Political Sketch ,” &c. REPRINTED FROM THE “HALFPENNY WEEKLY” London T. FISHER UNWIN 26 PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1888 TO My Father, WHOSE DEVOTION TO LIBERAL PRINCIPLES HAS FOR SIXTY YEARS NEVER WAVERED, THIS WORK, THE OUTCOME OF HIS EXCELLENT TEACHING AND CONSISTENT EXAMPLE, IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED....
26 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
PREFACE.
PREFACE.
The Articles here republished are from the columns of the Halfpenny Weekly , to the Proprietors of which the Author is indebted for much courtesy and consideration. They were written originally in the form of letters to a friend, but, though they stand substantially as first printed, various alterations have been made consequent upon the necessities of a permanent rather than a serial form. The Author does not profess to have exhaustively discussed every political question which is of practical
39 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
I.—WHAT IS THE USE OF A VOTE?
I.—WHAT IS THE USE OF A VOTE?
There are many persons, who, though possessing the suffrage, often put the question, “What is the use of a vote?” Giving small heed to political affairs, the issue of elections has as little interest for them as the debates in Parliament; and they imagine that the process of governing the country is mainly a self-acting one, upon which their individual effort could have the least possible effect. This idea is wrong at the root, and the cause of much mischief in politics. We are governed by major
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
II.—IS THERE ANYTHING PRACTICAL IN POLITICS?
II.—IS THERE ANYTHING PRACTICAL IN POLITICS?
All will possibly admit that, in conceivable circumstances, a vote may be useful, but many will not be prepared to allow that politics are an important factor in our daily life. War, they would urge, is a remote contingency, and a conscription is, of all unlikely things, the most unlikely; our liberties have been won, and there is no chance of a despot sitting on the throne; and, even if taxes are high, what can any one member of Parliament, much less any one elector, do to bring them down? From
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
III.—WHY NOT LET THINGS ALONE?
III.—WHY NOT LET THINGS ALONE?
“Why can’t you let things alone?” is a question which has often been put by those who either care little for politics or who wish to stave off reform. It was the favourite exclamation of a Whig Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, and it is still used by many worthy persons as if it were really applicable to matters of government. “Things”—that is public affairs—can no more be let alone than one can let himself alone, or his machinery alone, or his business alone. The secret of perpetual motion has n
6 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
IV.—OUGHT ONE TO BE A PARTISAN?
IV.—OUGHT ONE TO BE A PARTISAN?
When we come from “first principles” to the more immediate topics of the day, party considerations at once enter in; and to the question, “Ought one to be a partisan?” I answer “Certainly.” On the political barometer a man ought distinctly to indicate the side he takes—not stand in the middle and point to “change.” There is a great deal talked of the beauty of non-partisanship, of the necessity for looking at public matters in a clear white light, and of the exceeding glory of those who put coun
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
V.—WHY NOT HAVE A “NATIONAL” PARTY?
V.—WHY NOT HAVE A “NATIONAL” PARTY?
It is sometimes asked, even by those who would agree generally that partisanship is not unworthy, whether all the old distinctions of Liberal and Conservative, Tory and Radical, are not out of date, and whether it is not possible to form a “National” party. The idea of such a formation has been “in the air” for a long time, and has been put forward with more frequency since the breach in the Liberal ranks upon the Irish question. But although politicians as eminent as Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Ra
5 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
VI.—IS ONE PARTY BETTER THAN THE OTHER?
VI.—IS ONE PARTY BETTER THAN THE OTHER?
It is perfectly natural to be asked, after trying to prove that partisanship is praiseworthy, and that a “national” party is out of the question, whether one party is so much better than the other that it deserves strenuous and continued support. For the purposes of the argument, it is necessary to consider only the two great parties in the State—the Liberal and the Tory. These represent the main tendencies which actuate mankind in public affairs—the go-ahead and the stand-still. Differences in
9 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
VII.—WHAT ARE LIBERAL PRINCIPLES?
VII.—WHAT ARE LIBERAL PRINCIPLES?
After this recital of Liberal deeds, it may fairly be asked, “What are Liberal principles?” and these it is not easy to define off-hand. There are certain general truths which are the commonplaces of both parties, and no serious attempt has yet been made to lay down a system of principles with which none except Liberals can agree. But there are differences that underlie the action of the two parties which are unmistakable, and are worth finding out. If one were to ask the first half-dozen Libera
10 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
VIII.—ARE LIBERALS AND RADICALS AGREED?
VIII.—ARE LIBERALS AND RADICALS AGREED?
It may be thought that by dealing only with “the fundamental principles of the Liberal party,” the Radicals were put aside as if they had no separate existence; and to a large extent this is true, for Radicals are simply advanced Liberals. The principles just asserted are common to all members of the progressive party. There are differences as to the time at which certain measures directly flowing from them shall become a portion of the party’s platform; and that is all. A great deal of the prej
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
IX.—WHAT ARE THE LIBERALS DOING?
IX.—WHAT ARE THE LIBERALS DOING?
There has now been told a great deal about the principles which the Liberals entertain, and a list has been given of the many glorious things the Liberals have done; but the question of greatest immediate interest is what the Liberals are doing, for we cannot live upon the exploits of the past, but upon the performances of the present and the promises of the future. Although the Liberals at this moment are concentrating their main attention upon the question of self-government for Ireland, there
10 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
X.—SHOULD HOME RULE BE GRANTED TO IRELAND?
X.—SHOULD HOME RULE BE GRANTED TO IRELAND?
The question of Irish self-government is for the present the greatest that concerns the Liberal party, and in current politics, as Mr. Gladstone has truly and tersely put it, Ireland blocks the way. This, of course, is not so simply because Mr. Gladstone said it, and even less is it so because he wished it. The question stands in the path of all other great measures of legislative reform, for the sufficient reason that, at the first opportunity after the franchise was enjoyed by every householde
12 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XI.—WHAT SHOULD BE DONE WITH THE LORDS?
XI.—WHAT SHOULD BE DONE WITH THE LORDS?
In dealing with the other questions which the Liberals will have to consider, it will be well to take them in what may be called their constitutional order, and a beginning, therefore, may be made with the reform of the House of Lords. The theory upon which that House is upheld is that it is an assembly of our most notable men, called to rule either by descent from the great ones of the past, or by the proved capacity of themselves in the present, who discuss every question laid before them with
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XII.—IS THE HOUSE OF COMMONS PERFECT?
XII.—IS THE HOUSE OF COMMONS PERFECT?
There was a time, and that not far distant, when the question “Is the House of Commons perfect?” would have been considered by many well-intentioned and easy-going persons to be impertinent, even if not actually irreverent. But we live in days when every institution has to submit to the test of free discussion, and its usefulness and efficiency have to be proved, if it is to retain its place in the political system. And as there can be little doubt that, for many reasons, a feeling has been wide
9 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XIII.—IS OUR ELECTORAL SYSTEM COMPLETE?
XIII.—IS OUR ELECTORAL SYSTEM COMPLETE?
Many would be surprised if told that there remained serious deficiencies in our electoral system; and would ask, “How can that be? We now have the ballot at elections, household suffrage in both counties and boroughs, and a nearer approach to equal electoral districts than the most sanguine Radical ten or even five years ago would have thought possible?” But has the suffrage really been extended to every householder? As a fact, it has not; it is largely a merely nominal extension; and tens of th
10 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XIV.—SHOULD THE CHURCH REMAIN ESTABLISHED?
XIV.—SHOULD THE CHURCH REMAIN ESTABLISHED?
From the great concerns of the State it is natural to come to the Church, and when that point is arrived at, the problem of disestablishment at once arises. “ Can the Church be disestablished?” is a question sometimes put, and the answer is plain, for that answer is “Most certainly,” and a further question “Where is the Act establishing the Church?” as if the non-production of such an enactment would prevent Parliament from severing the link which binds Church and State, may be replied to by ano
9 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XV.—WOULD DISENDOWMENT BE JUST?
XV.—WOULD DISENDOWMENT BE JUST?
The question, “Would disendowment be just?” is admittedly a crucial point to determine when the whole subject comes up for settlement, for there are many defenders of the Establishment who exclaim, “We are quite prepared for the severance of the Church from the State, but only upon condition that she retains her endowments.” But the two concerns cannot be separated. Supposing the Government engaged an officer to perform certain functions, and that, in process of time, finding these functions not
13 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XVI.—OUGHT EDUCATION TO BE FREE?
XVI.—OUGHT EDUCATION TO BE FREE?
A question which is intimately connected in many minds with the Church is that of national education. It stood next to it in order in that early programme of Mr. Chamberlain which demanded “Free Church, free schools, free land, and free labour.” This matter of free schools is not likely to create as much opposition as it would have done even a short time since, for no question awaiting settlement is ripening so rapidly. Experience is teaching in an ever-increasing ratio that certain defects exis
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XVII.—DO THE LAND LAWS NEED REFORM?
XVII.—DO THE LAND LAWS NEED REFORM?
Immediately the question of the land is touched, a whole host of opponents to progress are roused to fierce and continuous action, though, as all politicians in these days affect a belief in the necessity for land reform, the question appears at first to be more one of degree than of principle. But, at the very outset, it is necessary to face the fact that there is an active propaganda going on which denies that any reform, even the most sweeping, will be of avail, and asserts that it is the ver
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XVIII.—SHOULD WASTE LANDS BE TILLED AND THE GAME LAWS ABOLISHED?
XVIII.—SHOULD WASTE LANDS BE TILLED AND THE GAME LAWS ABOLISHED?
A dozen or fourteen years ago the questions attempted now to be answered were put much more frequently than at present. In the last days of the first Gladstone Administration and the earliest of the second Government of Mr. Disraeli, Liberals were looking for other worlds to conquer; and many of them, not venturing upon such bold courses on the land question as have since been adopted by even moderate politicians, fastened their attention upon the waste lands and the game laws. No great results
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XIX.—OUGHT LEASEHOLDS TO BE ENFRANCHISED?
XIX.—OUGHT LEASEHOLDS TO BE ENFRANCHISED?
The proposal to enfranchise leaseholds—that is, to enable a leaseholder, upon paying a fair price, to claim that his tenure be turned into freehold—is a comparatively new one in the field of practical politics; but it has come to the front so rapidly that it is already far nearer solution than others which have agitated the public mind for many years. The grievance had for a long time been felt, and in some parts of the kingdom sorely felt; but a ready remedy had not suggested itself, and the su
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XX.—WHOSE SHOULD BE THE UNEARNED INCREMENT?
XX.—WHOSE SHOULD BE THE UNEARNED INCREMENT?
There is a school of politicians which reply to all such proposals as have been sketched for practical land reform: “They do not go far enough, for they would merely transfer the unearned increment from the present freeholders to the present leaseholders, and we want it transferred to the community.” This “unearned increment” is a matter of which we are likely to hear a deal in the immediate future, for since John Mill stated the theory it has been much talked of, and to-day more than ever. It i
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXI.—HOW SHOULD LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT BE EXTENDED?
XXI.—HOW SHOULD LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT BE EXTENDED?
It is always consolatory to find amid the welter of party politics some topic upon which all say they agree, and such a topic certainly is that of the reform of local government. Politicians of every shade have long professed their desire for such a reform, and it ought now to be within measurable distance of accomplishment. Upon the great question of the extension of self-government to Ireland I have already spoken; and in regard to the purely domestic affairs of all the four divisions of the k
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXII.—HOW IS LOCAL OPTION TO BE EFFECTED?
XXII.—HOW IS LOCAL OPTION TO BE EFFECTED?
Intimately connected with the question of county government is that of local option; and the problem of transferring the licensing power from an irresponsible bench of magistrates to a specially elected body, or to a direct vote of the ratepayers, has ripened towards settlement in a remarkable degree since the day—just twenty years since—when Mr. Gladstone wrote to the United Kingdom Alliance that his disposition was “to let in the principle of local option wherever it is likely to be found sati
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXIII.—WHY AND HOW ARE WE TAXED?
XXIII.—WHY AND HOW ARE WE TAXED?
Taxes are the price we pay for being governed: they defray interest upon money borrowed and wages for protection and service. The fact that they are called by a name which is to many obnoxious, or that they are handed to the State instead of to an individual, ought not to blind us to their real nature—that they are the price of services rendered. The name is nothing. In churches the money we pay is called a pew-rent or an offertory; in clubs it is a subscription; to doctors or lawyers a fee; to
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXIV.—HOW OUGHT WE TO BE TAXED?
XXIV.—HOW OUGHT WE TO BE TAXED?
It being certain that, as long as we are citizens of any sort of State, we shall be called upon to pay for its maintenance, the question “How ought we to be taxed?” is one of considerable moment to all. Grumble we may, but pay we must. Some think they would solve the problem at a stroke by substituting direct for indirect taxation. They argue that people should know exactly what they are paying for the service of the State; and that direct taxation is not only a more logical but a more economic
11 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXV.—HOW IS TAXATION TO BE REDUCED?
XXV.—HOW IS TAXATION TO BE REDUCED?
At no moment in recent years was it more desirable to urge a demand for retrenchment in the national expenditure, and probably at no moment could such a demand be urged with more chance of good result. For the recent revelations made upon the highest authority as to the wastefulness which characterizes our Government departments have aroused in the public mind not merely indignation at the spendthrifts who rule us but determination to put an end to much of their extravagance. The only way in whi
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXVI.—IS FREE TRADE TO BE PERMANENT?
XXVI.—IS FREE TRADE TO BE PERMANENT?
Before leaving the consideration of taxes, the question of Free Trade must be dealt with. A very few years ago it would have been thought as unnecessary to discuss the wisdom of continuing our system of Free Trade as of lengthening the existence of the House of Commons; but we are to-day threatened with the revival of a Protectionist agitation, and it is necessary to be argumentatively prepared for it. It is impossible within my limits to say all that can be said in favour of Free Trade or all t
10 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXVII.—IS FOREIGN LABOUR TO BE EXCLUDED?
XXVII.—IS FOREIGN LABOUR TO BE EXCLUDED?
Another of the remedies suggested by political quacks for depression in trade is the revival of the system of “protecting British labour” by preventing the immigration of foreigners—a process which, by the good sense of all Englishmen, has been abolished for centuries. It is easy, of course, to take what at first sight may seem the “popular” side upon this question. There would be no difficulty in summoning a meeting of English bakers in London, and telling them that they were being ruined becau
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXVIII.—HOW SHOULD WE GUIDE OUR FOREIGN POLICY?
XXVIII.—HOW SHOULD WE GUIDE OUR FOREIGN POLICY?
By a natural process of thought, the consideration of the proposed exclusion of foreign labour leads to that of foreign policy generally; and although the vast questions involved in our external relations are not to be solved in a few lines, an attempt to lay down some general principles upon the matter can hardly be wasted, for of all things connected with public affairs, foreign policy is that of which the average voter knows the least, and for which he pays the most. The yearly twenty-seven m
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXIX.—IS A PEACE POLICY PRACTICABLE?
XXIX.—IS A PEACE POLICY PRACTICABLE?
The question whether a settled adherence to the principles of non-intervention is compatible at once with our interests and our honour is one upon which much of the future of England may depend. The answer is not to be found in sneers at a “peace-at-any-price policy,” which has never been adopted by any section of our countrymen, or in panegyrics upon the virtues evolved by war, made by men who sit comfortably in their arm-chairs while they hound others on to bloodshed. It is a question which of
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXX.—HOW SHOULD WE DEAL WITH THE COLONIES?
XXX.—HOW SHOULD WE DEAL WITH THE COLONIES?
The foreign relations of England are necessarily complicated by her colonial concerns; and these deserve the most careful consideration, because at any moment they may arouse the hottest political dispute of the day. In considering the colonies we have to ask three questions: (1) How and why did we get them; (2) How and why do we keep them; and (3) Ought we to force them to stay? At the history of the why and how we acquired our colonies, it is impossible here to do more than glance. By settleme
9 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXI.—SHOULD THE STATE SOLVE SOCIAL PROBLEMS?
XXXI.—SHOULD THE STATE SOLVE SOCIAL PROBLEMS?
Though we have been discussing at this length our foreign and colonial relations, we must never forget that there is a “condition of England question” which claims the closest attention. The politics of the future will be largely coloured by considerations arising from our social developments; and it is important to decide whether the State ought to attempt to solve social problems, and how far it ought to interfere in the relations between man and man. There is just now so much talk about Socia
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXII.—HOW FAR SHOULD THE STATE INTERFERE?
XXXII.—HOW FAR SHOULD THE STATE INTERFERE?
To precisely limit the interference of the State in private affairs has been urged to be impossible, for the boundaries of such interference are ever changing, and will continue ever to change as the circumstances vary. In some respects the State has more to say about our domestic concerns, in others less, than it formerly had; but there never was a time when it left us altogether alone, and there is never likely to be. When people groan about “grandmotherly government,” and talk hazily of “good
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXIII.—SHOULD THE STATE REGULATE LABOUR OR WAGES?
XXXIII.—SHOULD THE STATE REGULATE LABOUR OR WAGES?
Among the many social questions which the pressure of circumstances may soon make political is that of the State regulation of the hours of labour. The president of the Trades Union Congress for 1887 advocated, for instance, the passing of an Eight Hours Bill; and it is desirable to consider whether this would in any respect be a step in a right direction. The argument for such a measure appears in principle to be this: that the classes dependent upon manual labour for their livelihood have too
9 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXIV.—SHOULD THE STATE INTERFERE WITH PROPERTY?
XXXIV.—SHOULD THE STATE INTERFERE WITH PROPERTY?
Having dealt with the manner in which the State interferes with labour, which to most is their only property, it is necessary to consider how it deals with capital, which is the fruit of labour, and how it thus interferes with some of what are termed “the rights of property.” This has been done in order to avoid greater ills, as in the case of the fixing of fair rents by judicial courts in Ireland and certain districts of the Highlands of Scotland; in others to prevent endless dispute and loss,
5 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXV.—OUGHT THE STATE TO FIND FOOD AND WORK FOR ALL?
XXXV.—OUGHT THE STATE TO FIND FOOD AND WORK FOR ALL?
The State thus interfering with both capital and labour, it is sometimes contended that its duties ought to be so extended as to find food and work for all. There is a captivating sound about the proposition which has commended it to many without a due weighing of the probable results. It is a matter upon which a hasty generalization, though springing from the purest motives, may do vast harm, and is one, therefore, which all ought most carefully to consider before expressing an opinion upon it.
5 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXVI.—HOW OUGHT WE TO DEAL WITH SOCIALISM?
XXXVI.—HOW OUGHT WE TO DEAL WITH SOCIALISM?
Even the considerations already put forward do not exhaust the social question, for only in the briefest fashion have been touched the important points which that question involves. And there is yet left to be discussed the attitude which ought to be adopted towards that body of opinions upon public affairs vaguely known as “Socialism.” The attitude of some is simply denunciatory, for there is a class of politician which always imputes base motives to those with whom it disagrees, and which is s
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXVII.—WHAT SHOULD BE THE LIBERAL PROGRAMME?
XXXVII.—WHAT SHOULD BE THE LIBERAL PROGRAMME?
While the social problem, however, is developing, we have the political problem to face; and, therefore, the immediate programme of the Liberal party now demands consideration. In some detail have been presented the arguments from a Liberal point upon all the great public questions which are either ripe or ripening for settlement. It has not been possible to go minutely into every point involved; a broad outline of each subject has had to suffice; but it may be trusted that each has been suffici
9 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXVIII.—HOW IS THE LIBERAL PROGRAMME TO BE ATTAINED?
XXXVIII.—HOW IS THE LIBERAL PROGRAMME TO BE ATTAINED?
It is natural to ask how, when the Liberal programme has been framed, it is to be attained. Measures no more come with wishing than winds with whistling; and if our principles are to be put into practice, it will only be by our joining those of similar mind. Not every politician, even if his ideas be sound, is a practical man. The disposition to insist that no bread is better than half a loaf is one that commends itself to me neither in business nor in daily life, but it is one upon which many a
7 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XXXIX.—IS PERFECTION IN POLITICS POSSIBLE?
XXXIX.—IS PERFECTION IN POLITICS POSSIBLE?
It is sometimes asked whether, after all the struggling of public life, perfection in politics is possible. But in what department of human affairs is perfection possible? Is it in medicine? Mark the proportion of those born who die before they are five years old. Is it in science? The scientist is still engaged, as Newton was, in picking up shells on the shore of a vast ocean of knowledge which he is unable yet to navigate. Is it in religion? Ask the Christian and the Confucian, the Mahommedan
6 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter
XL.—WHERE SHALL WE STOP?
XL.—WHERE SHALL WE STOP?
When the late Lord Shaftesbury was in the House of Commons, and was engaged in the apparently endless task of attempting to reform the factory laws, he brought in a bill to regulate the labour of children in calico-print works. He had already done much, but he wished to do more, and on being asked by his opponents, “Where will you stop?” he replied, “Nowhere, so long as any portion of this gigantic evil remains to be remedied.” In the same spirit may be answered the question sometimes asked as t
8 minute read
Read Chapter
Read Chapter