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A pamphlet containing a series of Mrs. Wightman’s Lectures on themes of absorbing interest——about the very things that YOU are THINKING and TALKING about TO-DAY! —the all-important questions —the perplexing questions —the paramount questions Mrs. Wightman’s views on public matters—political, religious and economic—should claim the serious attention of every citizen of the United States. A Third Edition necessary to meet the demand 64 pages, with portrait of the author, good paper, clear type, at

“No man in America has any right to rest contented and easy and indifferent, for never before, not even in the time of the Civil War, have all the energies and all the devotion of the American democracy been demanded for the perpetuity of American institutions, for the continuance of the American republic against foes without and more insidious foes within than in the year of grace 1916.” —Hon. Elihu Root, in address before the New York State Bar Association, Hotel Astor, New York, January 15th,

Most writers, in viewing the question of Prohibition, have followed along a beaten track. They have confined themselves generally to consideration of moral, economic, and religious phases of the subject. While I have not entirely ignored these phases, I have chiefly engaged in the task of pointing out a particular phase that it appears to me entirely outweighs all others put together; namely, that of the effect of Prohibition, in its ultimate and practical workings, upon the political—the struct

What Is the Real Menace of Prohibition? It is the false principle from which it derives its life and being. “We are the good people,” say the moral reformers: “you are the bad; therefore it is the duty of the good people to seek control of the government and to enact laws that will make you bad people good.” The platform of the Prohibition Party of Ohio states it in a different way, but in essence it is the same thing: “The Prohibition Party of Ohio ... recognizing Almighty God, revealed in Jesu

The initiative and referendum is good enough for the Prohibition Party when applied to “all matters of legislation not distinctively moral;” but when morals are involved, “the law of God” only is binding, and the initiative and referendum is repudiated. Their interpretation of the demands of “the law of God”—not actually the law itself—would become the supreme law of the land, and all the power of the government, in their hands, would be set to enforcing it. Need it be said that this would be re

Mr. L. Ames Brown, in “Prohibition and Politics,” published in the North American Review of December, 1915, points to some of the features of the Anti-Saloon League programme, in the nationalization of prohibition—a very interesting and valuable contribution upon the subject. Very accurately—and apparently without any prejudices—Mr. Brown shows the workings of the Prohibitionists in the political. He calls attention to the Prohibition rider in the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill, “an ame

They are as determined to secure compulsory Sabbath Day observance laws as they are to obtain Prohibition laws; and wherever and whenever you find a movement for one, you invariably find, sooner or later, a demand for the other. Prohibition and Sunday laws go hand in hand. In fact, they result from the same cause—the desire to control individuals; the application in civil law of the fallacious theory that it is “the social right of every individual that every other individual shall act in every

These restrictions by law are eternally increasing, so that it has become almost impossible for a citizen of the republic to live a single day without violating one or more laws. In almost every relation of life the conduct of the American is minutely regulated. Many of these restrictions are founded upon a muddled conception of the public good: their aim would seem to be to protect the innocent bystander. But we cannot see how the innocent bystander profits, when the free citizen is forbidden t

Prohibitionists, once they are seated upon the throne of civil power, do not intend to stop at the passage of laws prohibiting the liquor traffic. As has already been stated, they are fully as interested in securing compulsory Sabbath observance laws, and in fact, as stated at the [1] Inter-Church Conference in New York City in 1905, “to secure a larger combined influence for the churches of Christ in all matters affecting the moral and social conditions of the people, so as to promote the appli

For many years the Prohibitionists have systematically promulgated the fallacy that the poverty of the working class is caused by drink. And this they continue to do in face of all the facts, amply proven by all available statistics, that flatly contradict the fallacy. On the question of poverty and drink, the opinion of Francis E. Willard ought to be accepted by the Prohibitionists first of all. She says: “For myself, twenty-three years of study and observation have convinced me that poverty is

The fact of the matter is: that in the time when the situation of the unemployed is most aggravated—when it attracts nation-wide attention—singularly enough, no voice was raised, either by individuals, societies, labor organizations, or the press, publicly, attributing the abnormal and distressing conditions to the drink habit . All these know better. They know, as the New York Association discovered by its investigation, that inability to find work, and sickness, has brought the great army of i

Mr. J. B. Osborne, in “The Liquor Question—Political, Moral and Economic Phases,” says: “The abolition of poverty and better education for the masses, are the only remedies for the disease of alcoholism. “Alcoholism, however, is not as prevalent as Mr. Chafin or the usual advocate of Prohibition would have you believe. United States reports for 1909 show the average number of deaths attributed to alcoholism to be only 2811; from scalds and burns, 6772; from drowning, 5387; from poison, 3390; fro

The effect of Prohibition, sumptuary law enacted in government, upon the political fabric of the government, should claim the serious attention of American citizens particularly. We can hardly recur to the consideration of this subject too often. Prohibition is essentially a repressive measure, and all history shows that repressive measures, under ordinary conditions, not only fail, but worse than fail. In aiming to do away with one evil, Prohibitionists set up a vastly greater one. In our Ameri

Left to impractical theorizing, Prohibition is harmless: allowed to enter the realm of civil government as a practical working force, it becomes dangerous, threatening not only one liberty, but all the liberties of the people. For in the principle of Prohibition lies the germ of collective tyranny from which may arise every species of intolerance and despotism—an intolerative principle as far removed from the principle of American liberty as heaven is from hell, and as different in every essenti

Let us not forget the principles for which our great American republic stands. Recollect, that the tendency toward imperial government and despotic rule is here today as it has been in every nation and in every age of the world. Menaces to the rights and privileges of the people are ever-present: the continued structure of safeguarding laws and constitutions presuppose the enemy to be ever near:—tyranny may slumber, but let bigotry and intolerance call ever so softly, and it springs into active

Should be widely circulated by every advocate and champion of Personal Liberty and Constitutional Rights Right at this time—in the crisis of American Liberty! There is nothing just like it The arguments are not of the stereotyped class The facts given are indisputable It does not offend the man on the other side of the question It appeals to the citizen who desires fair play—and wants to see the American Republic continue a free nation, safeguarding the interests of ALL and granting “special pri