The New Freedom: A Call For The Emancipation Of The Generous Energies Of A People
Woodrow Wilson
14 chapters
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14 chapters
WOODROW WILSON
WOODROW WILSON
NEW YORK AND GARDEN CITY DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY 1913 THIS BOOK I DEDICATE, WITH ALL MY HEART, TO EVERY MAN OR WOMAN WHO MAY DERIVE FROM IT, IN HOWEVER SMALL A DEGREE, THE IMPULSE OF UNSELFISH PUBLIC SERVICE...
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PREFACE
PREFACE
I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches. And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I
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I THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH
I THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH
There is one great basic fact which underlies all the questions that are discussed on the political platform at the present moment. That singular fact is that nothing is done in this country as it was done twenty years ago. We are in the presence of a new organization of society. Our life has broken away from the past. The life of America is not the life that it was twenty years ago; it is not the life that it was ten years ago. We have changed our economic conditions, absolutely, from top to bo
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II WHAT IS PROGRESS?
II WHAT IS PROGRESS?
In that sage and veracious chronicle, "Alice Through the Looking-Glass," it is recounted how, on a noteworthy occasion, the little heroine is seized by the Red Chess Queen, who races her off at a terrific pace. They run until both of them are out of breath; then they stop, and Alice looks around her and says, "Why, we are just where we were when we started!" "Oh, yes," says the Red Queen; "you have to run twice as fast as that to get anywhere else." That is a parable of progress. The laws of thi
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III FREEMEN NEED NO GUARDIANS
III FREEMEN NEED NO GUARDIANS
There are two theories of government that have been contending with each other ever since government began. One of them is the theory which in America is associated with the name of a very great man, Alexander Hamilton. A great man, but, in my judgment, not a great American. He did not think in terms of American life. Hamilton believed that the only people who could understand government, and therefore the only people who were qualified to conduct it, were the men who had the biggest financial s
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IV LIFE COMES FROM THE SOIL
IV LIFE COMES FROM THE SOIL
When I look back on the processes of history, when I survey the genesis of America, I see this written over every page: that the nations are renewed from the bottom, not from the top; that the genius which springs up from the ranks of unknown men is the genius which renews the youth and energy of the people. Everything I know about history, every bit of experience and observation that has contributed to my thought, has confirmed me in the conviction that the real wisdom of human life is compound
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V THE PARLIAMENT OF THE PEOPLE
V THE PARLIAMENT OF THE PEOPLE
For a long time this country of ours has lacked one of the institutions which freemen have always and everywhere held fundamental. For a long time there has been no sufficient opportunity of counsel among the people; no place and method of talk, of exchange of opinion, of parley. Communities have outgrown the folk-moot and the town-meeting. Congress, in accordance with the genius of the land, which asks for action and is impatient of words,—Congress has become an institution which does its work
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VI LET THERE BE LIGHT
VI LET THERE BE LIGHT
The concern of patriotic men is to put our government again on its right basis, by substituting the popular will for the rule of guardians, the processes of common counsel for those of private arrangement. In order to do this, a first necessity is to open the doors and let in the light on all affairs which the people have a right to know about. In the first place, it is necessary to open up all the processes of our politics. They have been too secret, too complicated, too roundabout; they have c
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VII THE TARIFF—"PROTECTION," OR SPECIAL PRIVILEGE?
VII THE TARIFF—"PROTECTION," OR SPECIAL PRIVILEGE?
Every business question, in this country, comes back, sooner or later, to the question of the tariff. You cannot escape from it, no matter in which direction you go. The tariff is situated in relation to other questions like Boston Common in the old arrangement of that interesting city. I remember seeing once, in Life , a picture of a man standing at the door of one of the railway stations in Boston and inquiring of a Bostonian the way to the Common. "Take any of these streets," was the reply, "
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VIII MONOPOLY, OR OPPORTUNITY?
VIII MONOPOLY, OR OPPORTUNITY?
Gentlemen say, they have been saying for a long time, and, therefore, I assume that they believe, that trusts are inevitable. They don't say that big business is inevitable. They don't say merely that the elaboration of business upon a great co-operative scale is characteristic of our time and has come about by the natural operation of modern civilization. We would admit that. But they say that the particular kind of combinations that are now controlling our economic development came into existe
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IX BENEVOLENCE, OR JUSTICE?
IX BENEVOLENCE, OR JUSTICE?
The doctrine that monopoly is inevitable and that the only course open to the people of the United States is to submit to and regulate it found a champion during the campaign of 1912 in the new party, or branch of the Republican party, founded under the leadership of Mr. Roosevelt, with the conspicuous aid,—I mention him with no satirical intention, but merely to set the facts down accurately,—of Mr. George W. Perkins, organizer of the Steel Trust and the Harvester Trust, and with the support of
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X THE WAY TO RESUME IS TO RESUME
X THE WAY TO RESUME IS TO RESUME
One of the wonderful things about America, to my mind, is this: that for more than a generation it has allowed itself to be governed by persons who were not invited to govern it. A singular thing about the people of the United States is their almost infinite patience, their willingness to stand quietly by and see things done which they have voted against and do not want done, and yet never lay the hand of disorder upon any arrangement of government. There is hardly a part of the United States wh
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XI THE EMANCIPATION OF BUSINESS
XI THE EMANCIPATION OF BUSINESS
In the readjustments that are about to be undertaken in this country not one single legitimate or honest arrangement is going to be disturbed; but every impediment to business is going to be removed, every illegitimate kind of control is going to be destroyed. Every man who wants an opportunity and has the energy to seize it, is going to be given a chance. All that we are going to ask the gentlemen who now enjoy monopolistic advantages to do is to match their brains against the brains of those w
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XII THE LIBERATION OF A PEOPLE'S VITAL ENERGIES
XII THE LIBERATION OF A PEOPLE'S VITAL ENERGIES
No matter how often we think of it, the discovery of America must each time make a fresh appeal to our imaginations. For centuries, indeed from the beginning, the face of Europe had been turned toward the east. All the routes of trade, every impulse and energy, ran from west to east. The Atlantic lay at the world's back-door. Then, suddenly, the conquest of Constantinople by the Turk closed the route to the Orient. Europe had either to face about or lack any outlet for her energies; the unknown
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